GOVKHNOH  OF  INDIANA. 


LIFE,  SPEECHES, 


STATE  PAPERS  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


GOT.  OLIVER  P.  MORTON 


EDITED  BY 


WILLIAM  M.  DRENCH. 


Lives  of  great  men  all  remind  us 
We  can  make  our  lives  sublime ; 

And  departing,  leave  behind  us 
Footprints  on  the  sands  of  time. 

Longfellow. 


CINCINNATI: 

MOOBE,  WILSTACH,&  BALDWIN  PRINTERS, 

25   WEST   FOURTH    STREET. 
1864. 


Entered  according  to  an  act  of  Congress  on  the  19th  day  of  September,  in  the 
year  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-three  (1863),  by 

WILLIAM  M.  FRENCH, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  District 
of  Indiana. 


PREFACE 


The  author  of  these  pages  wishes  to  assure  the  reader 
that  no  selfish  motive  prompts  him  to  present  to  the  public, 
the  life  of  Indiana's  most  distinguished  Governor.  It  is 
common  for  men  to  applaud  those  who  have  benefited 
them,  and  to  flatter  those  of  whom  they  expect  favor. 
But  it  is  no  personal  advantage,  either  realized,  or  antici 
pated,  which  induces  us  to  narrate  the  life  and  public 
services  of  the  subject  of  this  biography. 

Our  situation  is  such  that  we  neither  need,  nor  desire 
any  appointment  the  Governor  could  confer  upon  us ;  and 
never,  during  our  life  have  we  been  the  recipient  of  a  single 
personal  kindness  at  his  hands. 

The  sole  object  of  this  work  is  to  present  to  the  Amer 
ican  people  a  model  character — a  man  whose  superior 
energy,  executive  powers  and  liberal  sentiments,  especially 
qualify  him  for  the  performance  of  the  great  labors 
assigned  him  in  the  most  important  period  of  our  nation's 
history ;  a  native  of  the  West,  whose  untiring  industry, 

M70527 


IV  PREFACE. 

indomitable  will,  lofty  patriotism,  and  unbounded  gener 
osity  have  immortalized  his  name,  and  endeared  to  him 
every  lover  of  liberty ;  an  intellectual  and  moral  giant, 
whom  neither  flattery  nor  persecution  could  divert  from 
his  high  purposes. 

W.  M.  FRENCH. 
INDIANAPOLIS,  Indiana. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE. 

PREFACE, 3 

CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  remarks — Uses  of  biography — Morton's  char 
acter  pre-eminently  instructive — His  early  boyhood — 
Early  school  days — Letter  of  Prof.  S.  K.  Hoshour,  one  of 
his  first  teachers — Enters  Miami  University — Distinguishes 
himself  as  a  debater — Commences  study  of  law — Marries 
— Is  admitted  to  the  bar — Is  elected  judge — Heads  Repub 
lican  State  ticket  in  1856 — Takes  an  active  part  in  canvass 

of  1860, 9 

t 

CHAPTER  II. 
Speech  delivered  at  Terre  Haute,  March  18,  1860, 21 

CHAPTER  III. 

Canvass  of  1860 — Political  discussion  at  Bloomington,  Indi 
ana — Morton's  reply  to  Judge  Turpie,  made  June  21st, 
1860, 48 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Campaign  of  1860 — Great  meeting  of  Republicans  at  Fort 
Wayne — Able  and  eloquent  speech  of  Governor  Morton — 
Masterly  review  of  the  political  questions  of  the  day, 70 


VI  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PAGE. 

Close  of  canvass  of  1860 — Commencement  of  the  Rebellion 
— Morton's  speech  before  Republican  meeting  at  Indian 
apolis,  November  22d,  1860, , Ill 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Commencement  of  the  Rebellion — The  attack  on  Sumter — 
Great  excitement  which  followed — Governor  Morton's 
capacity  to  control  and  direct  popular  feeling — Readiness 
with  which  the  people  responded  to  his  call — Remarkable 
promptness  and  efficiency  of  Governor  Morton  in  prepar 
ing  Indiana  volunteers  for  service — Indiana  troops  excel 
those  of  any  other  Western  State — Governor  Morton  calls 
an  extra  session  of  Indiana  Legislature — His  message  to 
that  body — His  impartiality  in  making  military  appoint 
ments,  etc.,  etc., 126 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Precarious  condition  of  Kentucky  in  consequence  of  the 
attempt  of  Magoffin  and  others  to  force  it  into  a  neutral 
position — -Magoffin  tries  to  induce  the  executives  of  Indi 
ana  and  Ohio  to  join  him  in  an  attempt  to  procure  a  sus 
pension  of  hostilities  between  Government  and  Confeder 
ate  States  until  meeting  of  Congress  in  extra  session — 
Telegraphic  correspondence — Secret  agents  appointed  by 
Governor  Morton  to  watch  movements  of  Kentucky  rebels 
— Difficulties  in  discharging  Indiana  troops — Governor 
Morton's  efficiency  in  settling  these  difficulties — His 
promptness  in  responding  to  President's  second  call— Ken 
tucky  invaded  by  secessionists — Morton's  efficient  aid  in 
their  expulsion — He  furnishes  more  troops — His  prompt 
attention  to  the  wants  of  soldiers, 183 


CONTENTS.  Vll 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAGE. 

Discouragement  of  people  in  1862  in  consequence  of  Na 
tional  reverses — Efforts  of  Governor  Morton  to  counteract 
this  feeling — His  efficient  operations  against  "K.  G.  C." 
in  Indiana — Charges  against  him  by  the  members  of  that 
order — Proofs  of  insincerity  of  such  charges — His  efforts 
to  relieve  Indiana  troops  at  Fort  Pillow — Telegraphic  cor 
respondence,  etc.,  etc., 230 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Precarious  condition  of  Indiana  at  commencement  of  1863 — 
Leprous  character  of  Indiana  Legislature — Governor  Mor 
ion's  message  to  that  body,  etc., 243 

CHAPTER  X. 

Governor  Morton's  appeal  to  the  patriotic  women  of  Indiana 
— An  appeal  to  the  people  of  Indiana — His  appeal  to  Con 
gress  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers — Message  to  the  Legislature 
'—Letter  to  James  Winslow,  Esq., 308 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Speech  of  Governor  Morton  at  New  York  city — Proclamation 
— Oration  at  Centerville,  July  4th,  1863 — Compliments 
paid  by  citizens  of  Cincinnati  to  Governor  Morton,  July 
20th,  1863, 346 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Miscellaneous  correspondence,  and  reasons  therefor, 382 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Governor  Morton's  character  more  minutely  portrayed — Mor 
gan  raid — Concluding  lines, 394 


LIFE,  SPEECHES, 

STATE  PAPERS  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 


CHAPTER 'I., 

*»       • » •  » 

Introductory  remarks — Uses  of  biography — Morton's  character 
pre-eminently  instructive — His  early  boyhood — Early  school 
days — Letter  of  Prof.  S.  K.  Hoshour,  one  of  his  first  teach 
ers — Enters  Miami  University — Distinguishes  himself  as  a 
debater — Commences  study  of  law — Marries — Is  admitted  to 
the  bar — Is  elected  judge — Heads  republican  state  ticket  in 
1856 — Takes  an  active  part  in  canvass  of  1860. 

A  knowledge  of  the  errors  of  our  fellows  enables 
us  to  avoid  the  committal  of  similar  ones,  while 
an  acquaintance  with  their  virtues  stimulates  us  to 
noble  endeavors.  Hence  it  has  been  truly  said, 
that  every  man's  life  is  instructive.  There  perhaps 
never  lived  an  individual,  whatever  his  station, 
whose  biography  might  not  be  rendered  highly 
productive  of  good  to  mankind. 

But  there  are  some,  the  importance  of  whose 
relations  to  society,  and  the  stirring  events  of 
whose  lives,  place  them  more  prominently  before 
us  than  others. 


10 

Every  act  in  the  great  drama  of  life  requires  its 
leading  characters,  and  every  age  produces  them. 
It  is  of  these  we  usually  write  biography;  not 
because  such  persons  are  really  more  deserving  of 
attention  than  those  who  stand  in  the  social  scale 
much  below  them :  for,  just  as  the  smallest  wheel'  in 
the  machine  is  as  essential  as  the  largest,  so  the 
most  apparently  insignificant  member  of  society 
is  as  necessary  to  the  social  fabric  as  the  most 
'distinguished.:'  but  for  the  reason  that  their  con- 
spicuousness'  renders  their  character  more  attrac- 
fffogr ;  Mi ' ;  jpgt^6tiyfc>  to  the  masses  than  that  of 
ordinary  men. 

We  generally  find,  or  expect  to  find,  in  the  devel 
opment  of  great  men,  a  manifestation  of  those 
superior  traits  of  which  the  common  multitude  are 
usually  considered  devoid.  And  the  study  of 
human  nature  only  becomes  interesting  to  the 
majority  of  us  when  it  rises  pre-eminently  above 
the  vulgar  level. 

When  we  are  hurrying  along  a  road  through  the 
forest,  with  our  minds  intently  fixed  upon  some 
object  to  be  attained  at  the  end  of  our  journey,  it 
must  be  a  very  extraordinary  tree  which  shall 
attract  our  attention.  And  so  when  men  are  rush 
ing  along  the  path  of  life,  wholly  engrossed  in  their 
individual  interests,  it  must  be  a  very  towering  rep 
resentative  of  the  race  that  shall  induce  them  to 
pause,  survey  and  investigate.  Such  a  representa 
tive  is  found  in  Governor  0.  P.  Morton,  a  man 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  11 

whose  remarkable  energy  and  superior  genius  have 
placed  him  among  America's  greatest  men. 

Oliver  Perry  Morton  was  born  in  Wayne  county, 
Indiana,  August  4th,  1823.  During  his  boyhood 
he  was  put  to  the  hatting  trade  with  his  brother ; 
but  it  was  soon  discovered  that  he  was  better 
adapted  to  another  sphere  of  action.  His  parents 
both  dying  while  lie  was  very  young,  he  was  placed, 
some  years,  under  the  care  of  his  grandmother  and 
two  aunts.  During  this  -period,  it  seemsj  he  was 
sent  back  to  Wayne  county  and  put  under  the 
tuition  of  Prof.  S.  K.  Hoshour,  then  principal  of 
the  Wayne  County  Seminary,  now  Professor  of 
Modern  Languages  in  the  ~N.  W.  C.  University,  at 
Indianapolis.  It  would  appear  from  the  following 
letter  which  we  have  lately  received  from  the  Pro 
fessor,  that  the  Governor,  in  his  boyhood,  was  not 
so  promising  as  we  generally  expect  to  find  the 
prospective  great  man : 

"  I  had  pupils  from  different  sections  of  the  State, 
and  some  from  other  States,  among  whom  was  0. 
P.  Morton.  He  entered  the  school,  I  think,  in 
1837,  and  was,  probably,  then  in  his  fourteenth 
year.  He  hailed  from  Hamilton  county,  Ohio — a 
timid  and  rather  verdant  looking  youth — too  shy ; 
to  bear,  with  head  erect,  a  master's  look.  He  was 
a  pliant  student,  always  ready  to  obey  the  '  rules  of 
the  school.'  His  fellow-students  in  the  institution 
at  that  time,  were  William  Wallace,  the  present 


\ 


12  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Clerk  of  the  Marion  County  Court;  Ms  brother 
Lew  (now  General)  Wallace;  Jacob  Julian,  and, 
occasionally,  Laz.  (now  General)  ISToble.  His  men 
tal  manifestations,  at  that  time,  were  not  equal  to 
those  of  some  of  his  school  mates ;  but  his  steady 
demeanor  and  persistent  application  to  his  studies, 
gave  him  a  respectable  position  in  his  classes.  He 
was,  during  his  attendance  in  my  school,  in  the 
incipiency  of  his  chrysalis  state ;  and,  of  course,  it 
was  difficult  to  decide  what  kind  of  a  winged  exist 
ence  would  emerge  from  that  state — whether  an 
ordinary  or  a  c  big-bug.'  The  larva,  physically, 
indicated  a  large  personality;  but  as  that  is  not 
always  an  index  of  a  corresponding  intellectuality, 
future  symmetry  of  the  whole  was  necessarily  a 
matter  of  conjecture. 

"  If  some  knowing  genius  had  then  suggested  to 
me  that  the  future  Governor,  par  excellence,  of 
Indiana,  was  then  in  the  groups  around  me,  I 
would  have  probably  sought  him  in  a  more  bustling 
form,  with  brighter  eyes  and  a  more  marked  head 
than  Oliver's.  But  time  has  shown  that  in  him 
was  ihe-mens  sana  in  corpore  sano,  which  the  college, 
the  acquisition  of  jurisprudence — legal  gymnastics 
at  the  bar — the  political  crisis  of  the  past  and  the 
present  exigencies  of  the  nation,  have  fully  devel 
oped,  and  now  present  him  the  man  for  the  most 
responsible  position  in  the  gift  of  a  free  people. 

"  Long  may  he  live  and  benefit  his  country ! 

"R.  K  HOSHOUK." 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  13 

After  leaving  the  high  school  of  Mr.  Hoshour, 
young  Morton  entered  the  Miami  University,  at 
Oxford,  Ohio,  and  it  appears,  from  what  is  said  of 
his  career  in  this  institution,  that  he  had  greatly 
improved  upon  what  he  was  at  Centerville,  under 
Prof.  Hoshour;  for  we  hear  of  him  at  Oxford,  as 
the  best  debater  in  college — a  star  member  of  the 
Beta  Theta  Pi  Society.  It  is  here  that  we  observe 
in  the  boy  the  first  indications  of  what  the  man 
will  be.  It  is  here  we  see  a  manifestation  of  those 
extraordinary  argumentative  powers  which  in  more 
recent  years  have  made  him  a  renowned  lawyer,  and 
the  acknowledged  founder  of  the  republican  party 
in  Indiana. 

Leaving  the  Miami  University  without  graduat 
ing,  he  again  returned  to  Centerville,  Indiana,  and 
began  the  study  of  law  with  the  Hon.  John  S. 
Newman.  Here  he  bent  ah1  the  energies  of  his 
mind  to  the  single  object  of  thoroughly  preparing 
himself  for  the  practice  of  his  profession.  Like 
Webster,  he  seemed  impressed  with  the  idea  that, 
"  preparation  makes  the  man,"  and  his  legal  acquire 
ments  show  the  amount  of  importance  he  attached 

to  this  idea. 

* 

On  the  15th  of  May,  1845,  he  was  married  to  Miss 
Lucinda  M.  Burbank,  of  Centerville,  daughter  of 
Isaac  Burbank,  a  highly  respectable  and  successful 
merchant  of  that  place.  Miss  Burbank  was  a  lady 
of  rare  intelligence  and  refinement,  and  has,  since 
becoming  Mrs.  Morton,  during  the  present  unhappy 


14  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

civil  war,  honored  both  herself  and  her  husband, 
by  her  untiring,  benevolent  efforts  in  behalf  of 
Indiana  Volunteers. 

In  1846,  Oliver  P.  Morton  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  and  soon  took  rank  among  the  first  lawyers  of 
his  State,  both  as  a  jurist  and  an  advocate.  His 
speeches  were  ever  distinguished  for  their  strength 
and  directness.  His  eloquence  was  more  of  the 
convincing  than  of  the  ornate  order. 

The  public  becoming  apprised  of  his  superior 
abilities,  both  natural  and  acquired,  he  was  not  long 
in  obtaining  a  large  and  lucrative  practice. 

In  the  year  1852,  he  was  elected  Circuit  Judge ; 
and,  although  he  continued  in  this  office  but  one 
year,  he  acquired  a  reputation  for  fairness  and  thor 
oughness,  which  will  not  soon  be  forgotten  by  the 
bar  of  his  circuit. 

In  the  spring  of  1854,  the  democratic  party,  of 
which  Morton  had  always  been  a  member,  repealed 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  passed  the  Kansas  Ne 
braska  Bill.  These  remarkable  proceedings  involved 
a  change  in  the  democratic  policy,  as  will  be  here 
after  shown  in  one  of  Morton's  speeches,  which 
caused  a  number  of  those  formerly  known  as  free- 
soil  democrats,  to  renounce  their  connection  with  the 
time-honored  party.  0.  P.  Morton  was  among  this 
number.  He  had  ever  been  a  friend  to  free  trade, 
but  never  an  advocate  of  slavery  extension;  and 
when  the  demand  was  :  Either  sacrifice  your  princi 
ples  or  leave  your  party,  he  cheerfully  did  the  latter. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  15 

From  that  time  forward,  to  the  breaking  out  of  the 
rebellion,  he  cooperated  with  the  republican  party, 
but  during  the  progress  of  the  rebellion  he  has 
known  no  party  but  the  one  for  the  Union. 

In  1856,  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation,  by  the 
republicans,  as  candidate  for  Governor  of  Indiana. 

In  accepting  this  nomination,  he  by  no  means 
repudiated  any  of  the  principles  maintained  by  the 
democracy  previous  to  1854.  The  old  tariff  and 
internal  improvement  questions  no  longer  consti 
tuted  the  political  issues  between  the  two  great  par 
ties  of  the  country,  and  the  vital  part  of  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  republicans  (that  part  which  referred 
to  slavery),  was  essentially  the  same  as  the  expres 
sions  of  the  democratic  party  touching  the  same 
subject,  in  the  years  1848  and  1849.*  Hence,  it  can 
never  be  truthfully  said  that  Morton  discarded  any 
of  his  democratic  principles  in  embracing  republic 
anism. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that 
the  democratic  party  having  disclaimed  its  ancient 
freesoil  doctrines,  and  the  extension  of  slavery 
becoming  the  issue,  the  republican  party  was  the 
only  one  with  which  he  could  conscientiously  unite. 

Having  consented  to  head  the  republican  State 
ticket,  Morton  made  a  thorough  and  vigorous  can 
vass  of  the  entire  State,  in  company  with  his  dem 
ocratic  competitor,  Ashbel  P.  Willard;  and  it  is 

*  See  Morton's  reply  to  Judge  Turpie,  page  48. 


16  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

universally  admitted,  that  in  this  campaign,  he  did 
more  for  the  establishment  of  the  principles  of 
republicanism  than  any  other  man. 

So  much,  however,  is  attached  to  the  circum 
stance  of  success  that  he  never  received  full  credit 
for  the  amount  of  labor  he  performed  during  the 
summer  of  1856.  The  mere  fact  that  he  was  not 
elected,  detracted  largely  from  the  brilliancy  and 
effectiveness  of  his  canvass,  in  the  estimation  of 
some.  The  difficulties  attending  his  task  were 
never  fully  taken  into  consideration.  He  had  an  old 
and  popular  party  to  combat,  a  party  which  had 
acquired  prestige  by  many  successive  victories,  and 
the  mere  sound  of  whose  name  charmed  the  ears 
of  thousands,  who  never  stopped  to  inquire  as  to 
the  consistency  of  its  course  or  the  tendency  of  its 
principles.  His  antagonist  was  eloquent,  affable 
and  popular,  the  champion  of  democracy  in  Indi 
ana,  whose  thrilling  appeal  to  the  passions  of  the 
crowd,  were  considered  more  than  sufficient  to  off 
set  the  earnest  logic  of  the  republican  candidate. 

Such  were  the  difficulties  with  which  Morton 
had  to  contend,  in  the  campaign  of  1856;  and 
when  to  these  is  added  the  youth  of  the  republican 
party,  the  large  vote  he  received  may  justly  be 
considered  a  victory. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Governor's  char 
acter  began  fully  to  develop  itself,  and  the  superior 
ity  of  his  mind  to  be  generally  acknowledged. 

His  had  been  a  rather  slow  growth,  but  a  healthy 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  17 

one.  He  was  not  a  hot-bed  plant  prematurely 
developed,  and  too  tender  to  endure  the  drouths 
and  freshets  of  life;  but  a  normal  organization, 
endowed  with  more  than  usual  vitality  and  power 
of  endurance,  and  the  trials  and  irregularities  of 
life,  so  far  from  injuring  him,  only  strengthened 
him  and  brought  out  more  fully  those  extraordinary, 
intellectual  and  executive  faculties,  which  have, 
within  the  past  few  years,  accomplished  so  much 
and  shone  so  brilliantly. 

His  case  is  one  of  the  many  which  might  be 
cited  in  proof  of  the  fact  that  slow  boys  do  not 
always  make  slow  men,  and  that  a  manifestation  of 
dullness  on  the  part  of  a  youth,  is  no  just  cause  for 
discouragement,  but  should  only  be  an  incentive  to 
labor. 

From  the  end  of  the  political  campaign  of  1856, 
to  the  commencement  of  that  of  1860,  Morton 
asked  no  honors  of  his  party,  but,  nevertheless, 
labored  energetically,  constantly,  for  the  promotion 
of  its  success.  At  political  conventions,  he  was 
always  regarded  as  the  most  efficient  of  workers. 
His  sound  judgment  and  eminently  practical  views 
of  things,  qualified  him  to  act  well  those  important 
parts  which  were  assigned  him.  He  was  ever 
regarded  as  the  best  of  political  engineers,  and  held 
in  the  highest  estimation  as  a  framer  of  policy. 
We  venture  the  assertion,  that  the  records  of  the 
republican  party  in  Indiana,  will  show  that  the 
great  leading  spirit  of  that  organization,  from  its 
2 


18  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

very  commencement  to  I860,  was  Oliver  P.  Morton ; 
that  he  had  more  to  do  in  directing  its  movements 
and  establishing  its  doctrines  than  any  other  man 
in  the  State. 

The  year  1860  brought  with  it  some  very  import 
ant  changes  in  the  political  aspect  of  the  country. 

The  discussion  of  the  admission  of  Kansas  under 
the  Lecompton  constitution,  had  caused  a  revolution 
in  the  democratic  party.  The  unjustifiable  demands 
made  upon  the  Northern  democracy  by  the  South 
ern  politicians,  had  led  to  the  organization,  through 
out  the  Portia-west,  of  an  anti-Lecompton  demo 
cratic  party;  and  in  many  localities  this  party, 
being  weak,  united  with  the  republicans.  Mean 
time  the  pro -slavery  democrats  took  broader  ground 
in  favor  of  Southern  interests,  maintaining  it  to  be 
.the  true  policy  of  the  government  to  protect  and 
extend  slavery  everywhere. 

In  this  condition  of  things  the  republican  party 
of  Indiana  again  presented  its  ticket  to  the  people. 
The  candidates  for  the  State  offices  were :  Henry  S. 
Lane  for  Governor,  0.  P.  Morton,  for  Lieut.  Gov 
ernor,  "Wm.  A.  Peelle  for  Secretary  of  State,  Jona 
than  S.  Harvey  for  Treasurer  of  State,  Albert 
Lange  for  Auditor  of  State,  James  G.  Jones  for 
Attorney  General,  Benjamin  Harrison  for  Reporter 
of  Supreme  Court,  John  P.  Jones  for  Clerk  of 
Supreme  Court,  and  Miles  J.  Fletcher  for  Super 
intendent  of  Public  Instruction. 

Morton  was  placed  on  the  ticket  as  candidate  for 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  19 

Lieut.  Governor,  as  one  expresses  it,  "  for  reasons 
which  were,  at  that  time,  supposed  to  have  some 
weight,  but  which  have  since  faded  so  completely, 
that  it  seems  almost  incredible  that  he  was  ever 
thought  of  for  so  inferior  a  position." 

With,  his  usual  energy  he  entered  upon  the  labor 
of  canvassing  the  State,  and  never  was  work  done 
more  earnestly  or  thoroughly.  Commencing  at 
Terre  Haute,  he  made  a  tour  of  the  entire  State, 
traveling  most  of  the  time  in  company  with  his 
competitor,  Judge  Turpie.  He  attended,  however, 
a  number  of  mass  meetings,  and  made  several  pow 
erful  and  effective  speeches,  over  and  above  those 
of  his  own  canvass.  'No  candidate  on  the  State 
ticket  labored  so  constantly  and  earnestly  as  0.  P. 
Morton,  perhaps,  for  the  reason  that  they  had  not 
the  physical  endurance  to  support  them  in  such 
arduous,  unremitting  labor  as  he  performed. 

It  is  a  matter  worthy  of  note,  that  Morton,  during 
his  political  campaigns,  although  the  most  zealous 
and  persistent  of  workers,  never  had  recourse  to 
alcoholic  stimuli. 

The  author  met  him  at  several  points  during  his 
canvass  in  1860,  had  the  best  of  opportunities  for 
observing  him  privately,  and  always  found  him  tem- 
erate  and  moral  in  all  his  habits. 

It  may  also  be  truly  said,  that  he  is  one  of  the 
very  few  politicians  who  are  no  less  courteous  after 
the  election  than  before. 

The  author  on  many  occasions  remarked,  during 


20 

the  canvass  of  1860,  that  Morton  never  went  out 
of  his  way  to  shake  hands  with  a  man,  nor  slighted 
him,  however  low  his  station,  upon  coming  in  con 
tact  with  him,  and  he  has  observed  the  same  dispo 
sition  in  him  since  he  has  become  the  Governor  of 
the  State. 

As  before  remarked,  the  Governor  opened  the 
canvass  of  1860  at  Terre  Haute ;  and  the  able  com 
prehensive  speech  he  delivered  there,  is  presented  in 
our  next  chapter. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  21 


CHAPTER  II. 

Speech  delivered  at  Terre  Haute,  March  18th,  1860. 

POPULAR  SOVEREIGNTY. 

Popular  Sovereignty,  as  defined  by  its  most  dis 
tinguished  teachers,  is  the  right  of  a  people  of  a  Ter 
ritory  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions 
in  their  own  way;  or,  in  other  words,  it  is  the 
absolute  right  of  self-government  in  the  people  of  a 
Territory.  If  this  right  exists,  it  is  an  inherent 
right ;  it  is  not  derived  from  any  clause  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  If  the  people  of  a 
Territory  have  the  right  of  self-government,  they 
have  equally  the  right  to  choose  their  form  of  gov 
ernment,  organize  and  inaugurate  it.  They  have 
not  only  the  right  to  elect  their  legislature,  but  to 
elect  their  governor,  judges  and  all  the  officers  of 
state ;  and  Congress  has  no  power  to  provide  for  them 
a  form  or  constitution  of  government  through  the 
medium  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  or  otherwise.  Thus 
it  will  be  seen,  that  the  Territories,  instead  of  being 
made  mere  dependencies  of  the  General  Govern 
ment — in  a  state  of  pupilage  and  preparation  for 
final  admission  into  the  Union  as  States,  and  for  the 
enjoyment  of  equal  rights  and  privileges  with  the 
other  States — would  be  absolute  and  independent 


22  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

sovereignties,  outside  the  Union,  having  rights  and 
privileges  greatly  exceeding  those  of  the  States  in 
the  Union.     The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
forbids  any  State  to  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance 
or  confederation ;  to  make  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts ;  to  pass 
any  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts ;  or 
to  lay  any  import  duties  on  imports  or  exports, 
except  what  may  be  necessary  for  executing  inspec 
tion  laws ;  to  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal — 
but  the   Territories  would  have  power  to  do  all 
these  things,  for  the  constitutional  prohibition  ex 
tends  only  to  the   States,  and  it  will  require  the 
most  latitudinarian  construction  to  make  it  apply  to 
the  Territories.     It  seems  to  be  conceded,  theoretic 
ally  at  least,  that  the  Constitution  should  be  strictly 
construed,  and  the  Constitution  says  that  no  State 
shall  do  these  things ;  beside,  it  provides  expressly, 
"  that  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to 
the  people."     The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  made  for  the  Union,  and  applies,  in  its  terms, 
to  the  States  in  the  Union.     It  was  not  intended  to 
apply  and  provide  for  two  classes  of  States — one  in 
the  Union  and  the  other  out.     Such  a  form  of  gov 
ernment  would  indeed  be  complex  and  anomalous. 
This  view  of  the  Constitution  was  conceded  by  all 
parties  to  be  correct,  in  1820,  in  the  passage  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  it  being  then  admitted  that 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  %6 

the  clause   of  the  Constitution  providing  for  the 
recapture  of  slaves,  did  not  extend  to  the  Territo 
ries,  but  was  applicable  only  to  States ;  and  that,  in 
the  absence  of  any  act  of  Congress  providing  for 
such  recapture  in  the  Territories,  the  master  would 
have  110  such  right.     Mr.  Bentoii,  in  his  great  essay, 
reviewing  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  enters  into  an 
elaborate  argument  and  overwhelming  citation  of 
opinions  and  authorities,  showing  the  Constitution, 
in  its  prohibitions,  is  applicable,  not  to  Territories, 
but  to  States.     But  if  we  adopt  the  other  view  of 
the    Constitution — that   view   which   received  the 
sanction  of  all  parties,  all  congresses,  all  State  leg 
islatures  and  all  courts,  for  more  than  fifty  years 
from  its  adoption — these  difficulties  and  absurdities 
are  swept  away.     That  view  regarded  the  Territo 
ries  as  dependencies,  as  communities  in  a  state  of 
minority,  to  be  governed,  trained  and  prepared  for 
admission  into  the  Union  as  States.     The  power 
of  the  Federal  government  to  control  the  Territo 
ries  may  be  successfully  derived  from  two  sources : 
First,   As  an  inevitable  incident  of  the  right  to 
acquire  territory.     This  principle  is  so  simple  and 
familiar  as  scarcely  to  require  illustration  ;  the  pow 
er  to  acquire  without  the  power  to  govern,  whethei 
in  individuals  or  governments,  would  be  most  bar 
ren  and  unprofitable.     Secondly,  From  that  clause 
of  the  Constitution  which  provides  that  Congress 
shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful 
rules  and   regulations  respecting  the  territory,  or 


24  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States. 
This  clause  manifestly  regarding  the  Territories  as 
dependencies  and  not  as  States  or  Sovereignties, 
confers  upon  Congress  plenary  power  to  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  for  their  government. 

"WHAT  is  A  SECTIONAL  PARTY? 

The  true  definition  of  a  sectional  party  is  a  party 
which,  in  its  principles  and  purposes,  seeks  to  con 
sult  and  promote  the  interests  of  one  section  of  the 
Republic,  regardless  of,  or  at  the  expense  of  the 
interest  and  prosperity  of  all  other  sections.  The 
number  and  locality  of  the  members  of  a  party 
have  but  little  to  do  in  determining  its  character. 
The  religion  of  our  Saviour  could  not,  with  any 
propriety,  have  been  termed  sectional,  even  while 
its  professors  were  limited  to  a  mere  handful  of 
Jews,  for  its  spirit  and  principles  comprehended 
humanity  everywhere,  and  in  all  ages.  The  great 
principle  of  the  republican  party  is  the  preservation 
of  the  Territories  to  freedom,  and  the  protection 
and  elevation  of  free  labor.  Surely  a  purpose  so 
beneficent  as  this  can  not  be  either  selfish  or  sec 
tional.  It  contemplates  and  comprehends  the  high 
est  interests  of  a  large  majority  of  those  living  in 
the  slave  States,  as  well  as  of  the  people  of  the  free 
States.  It  is  a  fact  too  palpable  and  notorious  to 
be  denied,  that  there  is  but  a  small  minority  of  the 
white  inhabitants  of  the  slave  States  who  are  really 
interested  in  the  preservation  and  enlargement  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  25 

the  institution  of  slavery ;  and  it  is  equally  palpa 
ble  and  notorious,  that  the  institution  rests  as  a 
horrid  and  crushing  incubus  upon  the  prosperity  of 
the  large  majority  in  such  States.  The  prosperity 
of  every  part  of  our  beloved  country,  is  intimately 
bound  up  with  the  prosperity  of  every  other  por 
tion.  Our  country  is  one,  and  our  people  are  one, 
and  any  damage  suffered  by  one  portion  is  an 
injury  inflicted  upon  the  body  of  the  nation.  Tried 
by  this  test,  the  democratic  party  is  not  national, 
and  is  even  less  than  sectional,  for  its  aim,  policy 
and  purpose,  is  the  promotion  of  the  special  inter 
ests  of  a  minority  class  in  one  section  of  the  Union, 
to  the  manifest  disregard  and  injury  of  the  major 
ity  in  the  same  section.  The  number  of  slave 
holders  would  not  exceed  one-twelfth  of  the  entire 
free  white  population  of  the  slave  States,  yet  by 
their  wealth,  their  intelligence  and  their  monopoly 
of  capital,  they  are  enabled  to  control  and  govern 
the  large  majority  of  n  on -slaveholders  by  whom 
they  are  surrounded,  and  direct  the  policy  and  aims 
of  the  democratic  party,  and  through  that  instru 
mentality,  aspire  to  the  government  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  to  add  to  the  vigor  and 
enlarge  the  boundaries  of  this  power,  that  the  dem 
ocratic  party  is  now  preserved  and  operated.  The 
fact  that  the  republican  party  is  not  permitted  to 
operate,  that  republican  presses  are  not  permitted  to 
publish,  nor  republican  orators  to  speak,  in  many 
of  the  Southern  States,  proves  nothing  but  the 


26  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

existence  of  the  despotic  power  wielded  by  the 
minority  class.  As  well  might  you  establish  the 
sectional  and  contracted  character  of  the  Christian 
religion,  by  the  persecution  and  expulsion  of  the 
primitive  Christians  from  Rome,  in  the  time  of  the 
Coesars.  Besides  that,  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove 
that  principles  that  were  considered  national,  and 
upon  which  the  nation  acted  for  the  first  fifty  years 
of  its  existence,  have  suddenly  become  local,  selfish 
and  sectional. 

THE  CONSERVATISM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

It  is  a  common  charge  made  against  the  repub 
lican  party,  that  it  is  radical,  revolutionary  and 
subversive  in  its  character.  Examined  by  the  light 
of  history  and  reason, .  this  charge  is  manifestly 
unjust ;  for  the  truth  is  the  reverse  of  all  this,  and 
is  that  the  republican  party  is  the  historical  and 
conservative  party-  of  the  nation.  A  conservative 
is  defined  to  be  "  one  who  aims  to  preserve  from 
ruin,  innovation,  injury  or  radical  change ;  one  who 
wishes  to  maintain  an  institution  or  form  of  gov 
ernment  in  its  present  form.'7  In  politics,  conserv 
atism  is  an  adherence  to  old  opinions,  doctrines  and 
expositions  of  policy  or  constitutional  law;  it  is 
opposed  to  innovations,  novel  doctrines  and  new 
fangled  theories ;  it  prefers  the  known  to  the  un 
known,  the  tried  to  the  untried,  and  chooses  to 
walk  rather  by  the  light  of  experience  than  to  pur 
sue  the  chimeras  of  speculation.  If  it  can  be  shown, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  27 

then,  that  the  republican  policy  of  opposition  to 
the  general  diffusion  of  slavery,  the  preservation 
of  the  Territories  to  freedom,  and  the  protection 
and  elevation  of  free  labor,  is  coeval  with,  or  ante 
cedent  to  the  adoption  of  our  Constitution — that  it 
was  the  recognized  policy  of  the  government  for 
more  than  half  a  century,  that  it  was  the  faith  of 
Washington,  and  almost  the  religion  of  Jefferson, 
that  it  was  woven  into  judicial  action  and  legis 
lation,  and  was  the  common  creed  and  property  of 
all  parties  until  within  a  few  years  past — then  its 
claim  to  conservatism  is  fully  established. 

Measured  by  this  standard  the  democratic  party 
will  be  found  to  be  "radical,  revolutionary  and 
subversive,"  departing  from  its  own  creed,  revolu 
tionizing  a  long  course  of  judicial  decisions,  and 
subverting  the  practice  of  the  government  from  the 
time  of  its  creation,  it  has  erected,  into  an  article 
of  faith,  the  new,  dangerous  and  portentous  dogma, 
that  the  Constitution,  by  its  own  inherent  power, 
establishes  slavery  in  all  the  Territories,  and  that 
there  is  no  power  in  Congress,  nor  in  the  people  of 
the  Territories — or  to  use  the  language  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  in  his  late  message,  that  there  is  no 
"human  power" — that  can  exclude  it  therefrom; 
that  the  many  acts  of  Congress,  beginning  in  1789 
and  continued  until  1848,  prohibiting  slavery  in  the 
Territories,  were  unconstitutional  and  void;  and 
the  many  judicial  decisions  of  the  va?*io!is  State  and 
Federal  courts  recognizing  the  power  of  Congress 


28  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

to  provide  such,  legislation,  sprang  from  gross  and 
ill-considered  views  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
And  especially  is  this  dogma  dangerous  and  por 
tentous,  when  we  reflect  that  it  is  but  the  beginning 
of  the  revolution ;  that  it  drags  after  it,  as  an  inev 
itable  consequence — as  the  locomotive  draws  after 
it  the  train — that  other  dogma,  that  the  Constitu 
tion  also  carries  slavery  into  all  the  States,  and  that 
no  human  power  can  exclude  it  therefrom;  and 
looks  to  the  fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  by  Senator 
Toombs,  that  he  would  live  to  see  the  time  when 
he  could  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  beneath  the 
shadow  of  the  monument  on  Bunker  Hill. 

We  want  no  views  of  the  Constitution.  Its  con 
struction  was  settled  by  the  first  Congress,  and 
acquiesced  in  by  all  the  courts  and  every  department 
of  the  government  for  more  than  half  a  century, 
that  construction  is  in  harmony  with  the  plain 
reading  of  the  instrument.  It  regards  the  Territo 
ries  as  the  children  of  the  Union,  to  be  trained  in 
the  nurture  and  admonition  of  free  institutions,  so 
that  when  they  have  reached  the  age  of  majority, 
they  will  be  qualified  to  take  their  places  in  the 
family  of  States,  and  be  admitted  to  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  government.  And  as  these 
Territories  are  to  become  our  future  partners  in,  the 
Union,  and  in  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment,  we  have  a  deep  interest  in  the  formation  of 
their  characters  and  national  habits. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  29 

INVASION  OF  VIRGINIA  BY  JOHN  BROWN. 

No  one  deplored  more  than  myself  the  unjustifi 
able  and  criminal  invasion  of  the  soil  of  Virginia 
by  John  Brown  and  his  associates/  This  act,  while 
it  thrilled  the  South  with  terror,  and  shocked  the 
moral  sense  of  the  nation,  may  yet,  in  the  hands  of 
Providence,  prove  a  blessing  to  the  Republic.  It 
has  already  led  parties,  both  North  and  South,  more 
clearly  and  accurately  to  define  their  positions,  and 
thus  exonerate  themselves  from  all  complicity  or 
blame  in  the  affair.  The  republican  party  has,  by 
every  medium  of  expression,  disclaimed  all  sympa 
thy  with  John  Brown,  or  palliation  for  his  deed, 
while  the  proofs  which  have  been  taken  have  failed 
to  connect,  in  the  remotest  degree,  any  member  of 
that  party  with  this  fatal  enterprise,  in  any  stage  of 
its  progress.  It  has  taught  the  South,  however, 
that  if  she  would  have  peace  and  security  at  home, 
she  must  refrain  from  outrages  abroad.  It  is  not  to 
be  controverted  that  the  stern  fanaticism  and  malig 
nant  passions  of  John  Brown  and  his  associates, 
were  cradled  in  that  wicked  and  unnatural  contest 
in  Kansas,  which  was  set  on  foot  for  the  introduc 
tion  and  establishment  of  slavery  in  that  Territory. 
Hordes  of  border  ruffians  from  Missouri  and  other 
slave  States,  marched  into  Kansas  in  battle  array, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  subjugating  the  free 
State  men,  and  forcing  upon  them  an  institution 
which  they  abhorred.  Having  first  provided  them- 


30  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

selves  with,  arms,  by  the  robbery  of  the  United 
States  Arsenal,  at  Westport,  Missouri,  they  entered 
that  unhappy  Territory,  with  all  the  paraphernalia 
and  appointment  of  regularly  organized  war.  The 
robbery  of  the  arsenal  at  Westport,  was  but  a  pro 
totype  of  the  seizure  of  the  arsenal  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  By  a  mysterious  chain  of  events,  which 
can  not  be  foreseen,  and  can  only  be  realized,  the 
tide  of  invasion  rolled  back  from  the  level  plains  of 
Kansas  to  the  mountains  of  Virginia.  But  the 
strangest  thing  remains  yet  to  be  told ;  for  that  wai 
of  aggression,  set  on  foot  by  the  slaveholders  of 
Missouri,  for  the  propagation  of  slavery  in  Kansas, 
has  recoiled  upon  Missouri,  not  in  war,  in  violence 
or  in  blood,  but  in  the  development  of  an  emanci 
pation  movement,  possessing  such  remarkable  vigor 
and  making  such  rapid  progress,  as  to  threaten  the 
speedy  extinction  of  slavery  in  that  State.  It  is, 
therefore,  not  impossible,  nor  even  improbable,  that 
the  attempt,  made  by  citizens  of  Missouri,  to  fasten 
slavery  upon  Kansas  by  force  of  arms,  may  result 
in  the  legitimate  and  peaceful  expulsion  of  slavery 
from  Missouri.  But  in  that  aifair  we  have  no  right 
to  -mingle.  It  is  one  that,  under  the  shield  of  State 
sovereignty,  pertains  exclusively  to  the  citizens  of 
that  State ;  and  no  people,  party  nor  tribunal  out  of 
it,  have  any  right  whatever  to  dictate  what  shall  be 
done.  The  bloody  page  that  records  the  infant 
history  of  Kansas,  and  the  criminal  adventure  and 
death  of  John  Brown,  may  be  read  with  profit  by 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  31 

the  people  both  North  and  South,  and  from  it  they 
may  deduce  the  lesson  that  the  security  and  tran- 
quility  of  the  nation  can  only  be  preserved  by  the 
people  of  each  section  scrupulously  regarding  and 
protecting  the  rights  of  every  other  section. 

THE  AGITATION  OF  THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION. 

The  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  can  be  traced 
directly  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
As  clearly  as  ever  effect  can  be  traced  to  cause,  or 
punishment  to  the  sin  that  occasioned  it,  can  the 
troubles  which  now  afflict  our  beloved  country  be 
referred  to  that  rash  and  disastrous  measure. 

It  found  the  country  at  peace,  and  has  left  it 
stained  with  blood  and  torn  by  civil  dissensions.  It 
re-opened  the  slave  question  in  a  form  most  offen 
sive  and  under  circumstances  most  aggravating  to 
the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  North.  It  was 
the  deliberate  breach  of  the  time-honored  compro 
mise,  which  had  its  origin  in  the  most  critical  period 
of  our  political  history,  and  had  given  peace  to  the 
nation.  History  will  pronounce  judgment  upon  it 
as  a  wanton  and  wicked  act,  without  a  circumstance 
to  palliate  or  excuse  its  perpetration ;  and  as  having 
its  origin  in  the  political  necessities  and  reckless 
ambition  of  partizans.  The  object  to  be  gained, 
was  the  united  favor  of  the  South,  and  the  means 
of  obtaining  an  extravagant  devotion  to  her  sup 
posed  interests.  Both  parties  are  likely  to  be 
cheated;  the  South  will  not  only  most  probably 


32  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

fail  to  derive  any  benefit  from  the  measure,  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  likely  to  be  seriously  damaged, 
and  the  ambitious  and  desperate  politician  who 
devised  it,  is  likely  to  be  foiled  and  defeated  in  the 
grand  purpose  of  his  life. 

Allow  me  to  read  a  brief  extract  from  a  recent 
letter  addressed  by  Ex-President  Fillmore  to  a 
Union  meeting  in  New  York,  which  he  had  been 
invited  to  address.  The  sentiments  contained  in  it 
are  so  beautifully  expressed,  and  so  manifestly  just, 
as  to  command  the  hearty  approbation  of  all  intelli 
gent  minds : 

"  After  a  severe  struggle,  which  threatened  the 
integrity  of  the  Union,  Congress  finally  passed  laws 
settling  these  questions,  and  the  government  and 
the  people,  for  a  time,  seemed  to  acquiesce  in  that 
compromise,  as  a  final  settlement  of  this  exciting 
question;  and  it  is  exceedingly  to  be  regretted, 
that  mistaken  ambition,  or  the  hope  of  promot 
ing  a  party  triumph,  should  have  tempted  any 
one  to  raise  this  question  again.  But  in  an  evil 
hour,  this  Pandora's  box  of  slavery  was  again 
opened  by,  what  I  conceive  to  be,  an  unjustifiable 
attempt  to  force  slavery  into  Kansas  by  a  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise ;  and  the  flood  of  evils 
now  swelling  and  threatening  to  overthrow  the 
Constitution,  sweep  away  the  foundations  of  the 
government  itself,  and  deluge  this  land  in  fraternal 
blood,  may  be  traced  to  this  unfortunate  act.  "Wliat- 
ever  might  have  been  the  motive,  few  acts  have  ever 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  33 

been  so  barren  of  good,  so  fruitful  of  evil.  The 
contest  has  exasperated  the  public  mind,  North  and 
South,  and  engendered  feelings  of  distrust,  and,  I 
may  say,  hate,  that  I  fear  it  will  take  years  to  wear 
away. 

"  The  lamentable  tragedy  at  Harper's  Ferry  is 
clearly  traceable  to  the  unfortunate  controversy 
about  slavery  in  Kansas ;  and  while  the  chief  actor 
in  this  criminal  invasion  has  exhibited  some  traits 
of  character  which  challenge  our  admiration,  yet 
his  fanatical  zeal  seems  to  have  blinded  his  moral 
perceptions,  and  hurried  him  into  an  unlawful 
attack  upon  the  lives  of  a  peaceful  and  unoffending 
community  of  a  sister  State,  with  the  evident  inten 
tion  of  raising  a  servile  insurrection,  which  no  one 
can  contemplate  without  horror ;  and  few,  I  believe 
very  few,  can  be  found  so  indifferent  to  the  conse 
quences  of  his  acts,  or  so  blinded  by  partizan  zeal, 
as  not  to  believe  that  he  justly  suffered  the  penalty 
of  the  law  which  he  had  violated.  I  can  not  but 
hope  that  the  fate  of  John  Brown  and  his  asso 
ciates,  will  deter  others  from  an  unlawful  attempt 
to  interfere  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  a  sister  State. 
But  this  tragedy  has  now  closed,  and  Virginia  has 
vindicated  the  supremacy  of  her  laws,  and  shown 
that  she  is  quite  competent  to  manage  her  own 
affairs,  and  protect  her  own  rights.  And  thanks 
to  an  overruling  Providence,  the  question  about 
slavery  in  Kansas  has  been  settled  in  favor  of  free 
dom.  The  Korth  has  triumphed,  and  having 


34  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

triumphed,  let  her  magnanimity  and  generosity  to 
her  Southern  brethren,  show  that  the  contest  on 
her  part  was  one  of  principle,  and  not  of  personal 
hatred  or  the  low  ambition  of  sectional  triumph." 

WHAT  is  THE  CAUSE  OF  THE  PRESENT  HOSTILITY  OF 

THE    SOUTH   TOWARD   THE   NORTH  ? 

The  fact  is  not  to  be  disguised  nor  evaded,  that 
there  is  a  deep  feeling  of  hostility  pervading  the 
people  of  the  South  toward  the  great  body  of  the 
people  of  the  North;  and  the  question  may  be 
asked,  has  the  South  just  cause  of  complaint  to 
ward  the  North  ?  She  has !  but  it  is  not  such  com 
plaint  as  adjoining  States  and  communities  can 
always  prefer  against  each  other.  There  always 
have  been  and  always  will  be  individuals  who  will 
disregard  the  laws  of  their  own  and  invade  the  rights 
and  immunities  of  other  States.  If  such  invasion 
be  cause  of  war  or  justify  retaliation,  then  different 
communities  could  never  be  at  peace,  and  no  con 
federacy  of  States  could  be  peaceful  or  permanent. 
I  doubt  not  that  men  from  the  North  have  some 
times  induced  slaves  to  run  away  from  their  masters, 
though  not,  perhaps,  once  where  it  has  been  charged 
a  hundred  times.  Such  conduct  is  in  violation  of 
the  law  and  good  neighborhood,  and  is  not  to  be 
palliated  nor  excused.  But  if  we  are  to  open  a 
book  account  with  the  South,  of  mutual  outrages 
springing  out  of  the  slavery  question,  we  shall  find, 
perhaps,  if  it  did  not  come  out  about  even,  a 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  35 

balance  standing  against  her.  The  question  may  be 
asked  then,  what  is  the  cause  of  the  hostility  per 
vading  the  Southern  mind  toward  the  people  of  the 
North  ?  There  are  many  causes,  but  the  chief  one 
is  to  be  found  in  the  policy  of  the  democratic  party. 
To  chain  the  South  firmly  to  the  car  of  that  party, 
it  has  for  years  proclaimed  that  every  other  party  at 
the  North  was  fatally  bent  on  the  invasion  and 
destruction  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South; 
and  that  the  success  of  any  other  party  would  prove 
destructive  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  To  this 
end  it  has  labored  and  lied,  in  season  and  out  of 
season,  with  satanic  industry,  to  indoctrinate  the 
South  with  the  notion,  that  the  masses  of  the  oppo 
sition  of  the  North,  now  in  an  overwhelming 
majority,  are  hostile  to  Southern  institutions  and 
to  the  Southern  people,  and  are  impatiently  await 
ing  the  hour  when  they  may  even,  by  force,  subvert 
the  institutions  of  the  South.  "Witness  the  recent 
course  of  Northern  and  Southern  democratic  papers 
and  speeches,  representing  the  entire  republican 
party  as  the  aiders  and  abetters  of  the  raid  of  John 
Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry.  A  very  considerable 
portion  of  the  Southern  people  have  come  to  believe 
this  enormous  lie,  and  have  no  means  of  knowing 
any  better.  Republican  papers  are  not  permitted  to 
circulate  in  the  South.  Republican  speakers  are 
not  permitted  to  speak  there,  while  democratic 
papers,  North  and  South,  teem  with  the  speeches 
of  Wendell  Phillips  and  "William  Lloyd  Garrison, 


36  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

as  the  expositions  of  Northern  sentiment  and  feeling. 
Even  the  opposition  party  of  the  South — what 
there  is  left  of  it — dare  not  contradict  the  monstrous 
falsehood,  for  fear  of  being  charged  with  abolition 
sympathies,  but,  on  the  contrary,  embracing  demo 
cratic  policy,  has  sought  to  out-Herod  Herod,  by 
pandering  to  pro-slavery  ignorance  and  prejudice. 
The  true  explanation  then,  of  the  hostility  of  the 
masses  of  the  Southern  people  to  the  North,  is 
found  in  their  profound  misapprehension  of  the 
real  state  and  condition  of  Northern  sentiment. 
The  is  but  one  way  our  Southern  friends  can  be 
undeceived,  and  that  is  by  the  election  of  a  repub 
lican  President,  and  the  preservation  of  the  consti 
tutional  rights  of  the  South  under  his  administra 
tion.  A  single  republican  administration,  if  it  did 
not  entirely  succeed  in  restoring  the  era  of  good 
feeling  between  the  North  and  the  South,  would  do 
much  toward  it.  The  beginning,  the  continuance, 
the  increased  and  increasing  violence  of  this  slavery 
agitation,  have  been  under  democratic  administra 
tions.  The  cure  of  the  evil  can  not,  therefore,  be 
looked  for  by  a  continuance  of  such  administrations. 
Not  only  is  this  true,  but  such  agitation,  as  before 
Stated,  has  been  invoked  and  fostered  by  the  demo 
cratic  party  as  a  source  and  means  of  power.  The 
republican  party  has  not  produced  this  agitation, 
but  has  been  produced  by  it.  It  is  the  creature 
rather  than  the  creator.  It  sprang  like  a  phoenix 
from  the  ashes  of  decayed  parties,  not  as  a  sword, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  37 

but  as  a  shield  to  prevent  the  invasion  and  subjuga 
tion  of  all  free  Territory  by  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

WHAT  is  THE  POLICY  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY? 

The  policy  of  the  democratic  party  is  the  exten 
sion  of  slavery,  not  only  into  all  the  Territories,  but 
all  the  States.  The  grand  instrumentality  by  which 
this  is  to  be  accomplished  is  the  supreme  court; 
an  irresponsible  tribunal,  the  members  of  which 
hold  their  offices  for  life,  and  who  are  not  elected 
by  nor  amenable  to  the  people ;  a  tribunal  which,  for 
many  years,  has  been  used  as  a  place  of  retiracy  for 
broken,  spavined  and  asthmatic  politicians.  This 
tribunal  was  originally  intended,  by  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution,  as  a  court  of  appeals  for  the  deci 
sion  of  questions  of  law  and  equity,  legitimately 
arising  in  the  lower  federal  courts ;  but  by  the  plas 
tic  hand  of  modern  democracy,  it  has  been  con 
verted  into  an  engine  for  the  subversion  of  free 
institutions  and  the  propagation  of  human  slavery. 

The  first  grand  step  in  the  programme  of  chang 
ing  our  Republic  into  a  vast  slaveholding  confed 
eracy,  was  the  establishment  of  slavery  in  the 
Territories,  by  virtue  of  a  false  construction  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  This  is  supposed 
to  have  been  done  by  the  decision  in  the  case  of 
Dred  Scott.  Mr.  Buchanan  triumphantly  announces 
the  consummation  of  the  fact  in  his  late  message. 
The  next  step,  and  the  last,  is  but  a  logical  sequence 


38  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  the  first,  viz. :  That  if  the  Constitution  carries 
slavery  into  the  Territories  it  carries  it  into  the 
States.  The  one  follows  the  other  as  certainly  as 
night  follows  day.  If  the  Constitution  be  able  to 
protect  slavery  out  of  the  Union,  much  more  shall 
it  protect  and  nourish  it  in  the  Union.  If  it  recog 
nizes  slaves  as  property  and  not  as  persons,  and 
secures  to  the  master  an  indefeasible  title  to  them 
in  the  Territories,  will  the  rights  of  property  be 
held  less  sacred  in  the  States.  Does  the  Constitu 
tion  guarantee  to  the  slaveholders  or  other  per 
sons,  rights  of  property  or  of  persons,  in  the  Terri 
tories  j  that  it  does  not  equally  secure  in  the  States? 

When,  therefore,  the  nation  comes  to  admit,  if 
it  ever  does,  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  a  Territory, 
and  that  there  is  no  power  in  Congress  or  in  the 
people  of  a  Territory  to  exclude  them,  it  will  then 
be  required  to  take  another  step,  which  it  can  not 
refuse,  easy,  natural  and  legitimate,  which  is,  that 
the  Constitution  secures  the  right  to  carry  slaves 
into  all  the  free  States  and  enjoy  them  there  as 
property. 

The  President  in  his  late  message  congratulates 
the  country  on  the  final  settlement  of  the  slavery 
question,  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  in  the  Dred  Scott  case.  He  for 
gets  that  the  democratic  party  have  taught  the 
country  that  constitutional  questions  are  never  set 
tled.  The  Dred  Scott  decision  has  simply  unsettled 
what  had  been  regarded  as  settled  for  more  than 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  '   39 

fifty  years.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was  thought 
to  be  settled  for  more  than  thirty  years,  but  it 
was  repealed  by  the  Nebraska  Bill.  It  is  now 
idle  to  talk  about  the  settlement  of  anything  until 
it  shall  be  done  on  correct  principles.  Five  slave 
holders  sitting  on  the  bench  of  the  supreme  court, 
can  not  settle,  forever,  vital  questions  of  freedom, 
against  18,000,000  of  people  in  the  free  States.  In 
the  course  of  a  few  years  they  will  have  passed 
away,  to  stand  at  the  bar  of  another  tribunal,  whose 
decisions  are  final,  and  their  places  will  be  filled  by 
new  men,  who  will  have  the  same  right  to  review 
their  opinions  which  they  have  had  to  trample  upon 
the  opinions  of  all  who  have  gone  before  them. 

THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees 
to  the  owners  of  slaves,  if  slaves  escape,  the  right 
to  reclaim  and  carry  them  back  to  servitude.  To 
make  this  constitutional  provision  efficient,  it  is 
necessary  that  a  law  be  enacted  providing  ways  and 
means  by  which  such  reclamation  can  be  effected. 
I  therefore  recognize  the  right  of  the  South  to  a 
fugitive  slave  law.  The  power  to  enact  this  law, 
I  believe,  is  vested  in  Congress  and  not  in  the 
several  States,  as  is  contended  by  some.  This  is 
certainly  in  accordance  with  the  early  construction 
of  the  Constitution. 

The  constitutionality  of  the  present  fugitive  slave 
law  was  a  legitimate  subject  of  judicial  decision  and 


40  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

has  received  the  sanction  of  the  highest  court  in  the 
the  nation.  While,  therefore,  it  remains  upon  the 
statute  book,  it  should  be  enforced,  and  I  have  no 
justification  to  offer  for  those,  whether  individuals 
or  States,  who  may  resist  its  operations  or  cast 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  its  enforcement.  But  if  it 
be  insisted,  that  in  order  to  be  national  and  be  a 
patriot,  I  should  entertain  a  violent  admiration  for 
this  law,  and  take  delight  in  its  provisions,  then  I 
do  not  come  up  to  the  standard.  Several  of  its 
provisions  I  regard  as  harsh  and  unjust;  because 
they  place  it  in  the  po'wer  of  bad  men  to  endanger 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  free  men.  The  constitu 
tional  provision  itself  was  a  political  necessity;  and 
while  I  regard  the  law  framed  under  it  as  a  political 
necessity  also,  I  think  it  should  be  humane  in  its 
provisions  and  administered  with  caution.  Hence, 
I  think  the  fugitive  slave  law  a  fit  subject  for 
revision,  amendment  and  improvement. 

THE  UNION  PARTY. 

It  is  a  matter  of  proud  congratulation,  that  there 
is  not  one  disunionist  within  the  pale  of  the  repub 
lican  party.  There  is  no  part  of  the  republican 
platform  upon  which  a  disunionist  can  stand. 
While  the  disunion  fanatics  of  the  IsTorth  ar^  the 
most  bitter  foes  and  denouncers  of  the  repub 
lican  party,  the  disunion  fanatics  of  the  South  are 
members  of  the  democratic  party,  and  not  only  so, 
but  they  are  members  in  good  standing,  occupying 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  41 

its  highest  places  of  honor,  and  directing  its  coun 
cils,  and  manufacturing  its  platforms.  Some  of 
these  already  declare  that  the  Union  is  a  forlorn 
hope ;  others,  that  it  can  only  be  preserved  upon 
contingencies  which  are  not  likely  to  happen ;  and 
many,  that  the  election  of  a  republican  President 
by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  would  be 
just  cause  for  dissolution.  We  do  not  say  that  the 
Union  may  be  preserved  upon  certain  conditions ; 
we  do  not  measure  our -fidelity  to  it  by  our  success; 
but  we  say,  "  it  must  and  shall  be  preserved,"  what 
ever  party  may  be  in  the  ascendant.  We  do  not 
say,  the  republican  party  first  and  the  Union  after 
ward  ;  but  we  say,  the  Union  first,  last  and  all  the 
time ;  and  that  we  will  wage  uncompromising  war 
fare  upon  all  parties  that  contemplate  its  destruction, 
as  desirable,  under  any  circumstances.  The  trea 
sonable  doctrine  of  rule  or  ruin,  has  been  boldly 
avowed  by  leading  democrats  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  They  have  declared,  without  rebuke 
from  their  fellows,  that  the  last  hope  of  the  Republic 
was  bound  up  in  the  success  of  the  democratic 
party ;  and  that  the  success  of  the  republican  party 
would  present  a  contingency,  not  only  authorizing, 
but  demanding  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States 
from  the  Confederacy.  These  threats  are  intended 
to  intimidate  the  weak  and  stimulate  the  lukewarm, 
and  enable  that  party  to  retain  the  power  which  it 
feels  is  passing  away  from  it,  and  which  it  has  justly 
4 


42  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

forfeited,  by  a  long  course  of  treachery  and  trans 
gression  against  the  peace  and  best  interests  of  the 
nation. 

THE  KEPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

I  beg  that  it  may  be  understood,  that  I  do  not 
use  the  word  republican  in  a  narrow,  sectarian  or 
party  sense.  By  republican  doctrine,  I  mean  that 
sentiment  which  is  opposed  to  the  general  diffusion 
of  slavery ;  desires  the  preservation  of  the  Territo 
ries  to  freedom,  and  seeks  the  elevation  and  protec 
tion  of  free  labor.  And  by  republican  party,  I 
mean  all  who  entertain  and  cherish  that  sentiment, 
whatever  organization  they  may  belong  to,  or  by 
whatever  name  they  may  pass. 

ABOLITIONISM. 

I  see  that  several  of  the  democratic  newspapers 
have  revived  against  me  the  cheap  and  worn  out 
allegation,  that  I  am  an  abolitionist !  It  is  a  matter 
of  some  importance  to  a  man  who  is  about  to  make 
a  charge  against  his  neighbor,  thalf  he  have  some 
satisfactory  evidence  that  the  charge  is  true,  and 
justice  to  himself  would  seem  to  require  that  it  be 
accompanied  by  such  a  statement  of  the  evidence  as 
would  reasonably  justify  him  in  giving  it  utterance. 
But  if  it  be  a  naked  and  general  allegation,  unsup 
ported  by  any  evidence  whatever,  an  intelligent 
public  have  a  right  to  presume  that  it  is  a  calumny 
thrust  before  the  world  for  selfish  and  malicious 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  43 

purposes.  If  the  persons  making  this  charge  know 
me  to  be  an  abolitionist,  they  can  undoubtedly  state 
some  political  act  or  declaration  of  opinion  on  my 
part  in  proof.  If  they  were  asked  what  constitutes 
an  abolitionist,  they  could  answer,  if  they  have  any 
clear  ideas  on  the  subject,  that  he  is  one  who  is  in 
favor  of  abolishing  slavery  in  places  where  it  now 
exists,  and  who  claims  that  it  is  the  right  and  duty 
of  the  State  in  which  he  lives,  or  of  the  General 
government  to  perform  the  act. 

I  am  opposed  to  the  diffusion  of  slavery.  I  am 
in  favor  of  preserving  the  Territories  to  freedom, 
of  encouraging,  elevating  and  protecting  free  labor, 
at  the  same  time  conscientiously  believing,  that 
with  slavery  in  the  several  States  we  have  nothing 
to  do,  and  no  right  to  interfere.  If  this  makes  an 
abolitionist,  then  I  am  one,  and  my  political  enemies 
may  make  the  most  of  it. 

The  vague  and  senseless  epithet  has  lost  its 
terrors.  A  long,  indiscriminate  application  of  it 
by  democratic  politicians,  to  all  who  oppose 
them,  has  stripped  it  of  all  title  to  consideration 
whatever. 

THE  NORTHERN  DEMOCRACY. 

Power  has  passed  from  the  democratic  party  in 
nearly  all  the  Northern  States.  Its  vitality  and 
force  are  concentrated  in  the  South.  The  fact  is, 
that  in  Congress,  and  in  the  councils  of  the  party, 
Northern  democrats  are  almost  without  influence 


44  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  power.  In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  it 
is  a  noticeahle  fact,  that  no  Northern  democrat  is 
placed  at  the  head  of  any  important  committee,  and 
so  keenly  was  this  felt,  that  Mr.  Pugli,  the  Senator 
from  Ohio,  raised  his  voice  in  bitter  lament  against 
the  humiliation  inflicted  on  the  Northern  democracy. 
The  fact  is  significant,  showing  that  while  the 
Northern  democratic  members  of  Congress  are  re 
garded  as  useful  for  voting  appropriations  and  many 
other  purposes,  their  Southern  brethren  are  unwill 
ing  to  trust  them  in  responsible  positions  where 
their  influence  might  be  felt  or  their  treachery  prove 
fatal.  "Whether  this  distrust  be  well  grounded  or 
not,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  determine,  but  it  is 
certainly  natural.  Knowing,  as  Southern  democrats 
do,  that  these  men  have  betrayed  the  interests  of 
freedom  and  their  constituents,  for  selfish  and  party 
considerations,  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should 
look  upon  their  own  betrayal  as  not  among  impos 
sibilities  or  even  improbabilities. 

PROTECTION  TO  AMERICAN  INDUSTRY. 

In  collecting  the  revenues  of  the  nation,  the 
duties  upon  imports  should  be  so  adjusted  that  ade 
quate  protection  be  afforded  to  American  industiy. 
"While  it  is  not  the  duty  of  the  government  to  build 
up  and  maintain  monopolies  at  the  expense  of  the 
body  of  the  nation,  yet  it  is  entirely  within  the 
power  of  Congress,  by  a  proper  regulation  of  the 
tariff,  to  afford  just  encouragement  and  protection 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  45 

to  the  agricultural  and  manufacturing  interests  of 
our  country. 

THE  HOMESTEAD. 

It  has  long  been  the  opinion  of  many  statesmen 
that  the  public  lands  should  not  be  treated  as  a 
source  of  revenue,  but  that  they  should  be  donated, 
in  limited  quantities,  to  actual  settlers,  who  would 
improve  them,  and  thus  build  up  new  communities 
and  States.  The  greater  portion  of  these  lands 
have  hitherto  been  purchased  by  non-residents  and 
held  for  speculation.  The  actual  settler  has  thus 
been  compelled  to  purchase  at  second  hand  and  at 
advanced  rates,  while  the  poor  man  has  been  de 
barred  from  a  home  and  from  a  field  for  his  industry. 
The  actual  settlers,  the  hardy  pioneers,  braving  the 
dangers  and  submitting  to  the  hardships  of  the 
wilderness,  are  they  who  erect  new  States  and 
enlarge  the  boundaries  of  our  national  wealth  and 
power.  They  are  public  benefactors  and  should 
not  be  required  to  pay  tribute  for  their  benefactions. 
Their  homes  should  be  given  to  them  by  the  nation, 
upon  conditions  that  they  improve  them,  and  thus 
add  to  the  aggregate  of  our  national  prosperity.  It 
is  not  important  that  we  have  very  rich  men  in  this 
country,  but  it  is  important  that  all  have  homes 
and  a  competence,  and  be  made  to  feel  that  their 
country  is  a  nursing  mother,  whose  devotion  to 
their  interest,  and  protection  of  their  rights  can 
only  be  requited  by  a  life  of  patriotism. 


4(>  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

This  speech  may  be  said  to  embody  the  doctrines 
of  the   republican   party.     It   presents,   fully   and 
fairly,  all  that  was  held  and  or  taught  by  that  party 
.up  to  the  year  1861.     It  entirely  exonerates  the 
republicans  from  the  charge  of  abolitionism,  and 
shows  that  they,  so  far  from  advocating  sectional 
views,  were  the  true  conservatives  of  the  day,  aim 
ing  to  reinstate  the  ancient  idea  that  slavery  is  sec 
tional  and  freedom  national ;  that  slavery,  being  a 
domestic  institution,  can  only  exist  by  local  law, 
and  that,  according  to  the  views  taken  of  the  rela 
tions  existing  between  the  General  government  and 
the  Territories  by  the  founders  of  the  Republic, 
all  the  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States  is 
free ;  that  according  to  the  Constitution,  the  normal 
condition  of  the  Territories  is  that  of  dependence 
on  the  government ;  and  that  while  upon  Congress 
devolves  the  duty  of  making  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  for  the  government  of  the  Territories, 
and,  according  to  the  democratic  doctrine  of  1849, 
of  preventing  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  any 
new  territory,  yet  neither  Congress  nor  the  people 
of  tlie  free  States  should  interfere  with  that  in 
stitution  in  any  State  where  it  legally  exists.     It 
thoroughly  disproves  the  assertion  that  the  repub 
licans  were  constantly  agitating  the  slavery  question, 
and  clearly  points   to   certain  leaders  of  another 
party  as  being  guilty  of  keeping  that  issue  before 
the  people.   .  It  shows  that  the  republican  party  had 
never  existed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  revolutionary 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  47 

measures  of  the  democracy  in  1854,  and  that  those 
who  were  loudest  in  the  deprecations  of  slavery 
agitation  and  denunciations  of  "  abolitionists,"  were 
themselves  the  ones  who,  at  a  time  when  the  all- 
exciting  question  was  dead  and  buried,  had  exhumed 
it  ghastly  skeleton,  inspired  it  with  demoniac  life, 
and  sent  it  anew  upon  its  fiendish  mission  of  stir 
ring  up  sectional  dissensions  between  the  Northern 
rand  Southern  people  of  the  United  States. 

No  secret  article  could  be  found  in  the  republican 
confession  of  faith  contradicting  anything  said  in 
this  speech ;  and  the  fact  that  a  few  extremists  were 
found  in  the  party  who  advocated  the  unconditional 
abolition  of  slavery,  amounts  to  no  more  as  a  proof 
that  it  was  an  abolition  party,  than  does  the  fact 
that  many  Southern  secessionists  were  members  of 
the  democratic  party  as  an  evidence  that  it  was  a 
disunion  organization. 

This  speech,  as  a  logical  production,  is  a  master 
piece,  and  the  main  points  in  it  were  never  fairly 
met  during  the  campaign. 


48  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  III. 

Canvass    of  1860 — Political    discussion  at  Bloomington,   Ind. — 
Morton's  reply  to  Judge  Turpie,  made  June  21st,  1860. 

The  following  passages  from  Governor  Morton's, 
reply  to  Judge  Turpie,  democratic  candidate  for 
Lieutenant  Governor  of  Indiana,  made  at  Bloom 
ington,  on  the  21st  of  June,  1860,  is  presented  to 
give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  Governor's  strength 
in  debate.  It  will  be  observed,  that  while  the 
arguments  are  powerful,  the  words  in  which  they 
are  given  are  few.  Indeed,  some  of  the  thoughts 
are  rather  skimped  in  their  dress. 

This  effort  is  replete  with  chaste  wit  and  pungent 
sarcasm,  and  shows  that  the  Governor  knew  how 
to  tell  a  story  with  effect. 

We  give  the  paragraphs  as  published  by  a  Bloom 
ington  paper — taking  the  liberty  to  correct  some 
blunders,  which  are  manifestly  the  work  either  of 
the  reporter  or  of  the  printer : 

My  friend,  Judge  Turpie,  took  occasion,  in  the 
course  of  his  remarks,  to  advert  to  that  provision 
of  the  Constitution  which  allows  representation  on 
the  floor  of  Congress  for  three-fifths  of  the  slaves 
in  the  South.  He  said  that  this  thing  had  been 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  49 

misrepresented,  that  it  had  been  claimed  that  this 
gave  the  slaveholder  three  votes  for  every  five  slaves. 
I  have  never  heard  it  so  contended.  The  effect  of 
it  is,  however,  to  give  to  the  South  a  representation 
on  the  floor  of  Congress  on  account  of  their  slaves ; 
and  it  is  said,  a  calculation  will  show  that  the  South 
now  has  twenty-three  members  more  than  if  her 
slave  population  was  not  represented.  But  my 
friend  says  that  this  is  a  discrimination  against, 
instead  of  in  favor  of  the  South.  I  do  not  so 
understand  it.  He  says  that  in  the  North  we  count 
our  free 'negroes,  criminals  and  aliens,  in  making  up 
the  ratio  of  representation.  So  we  do ;  and  in  the 
South  they  count  their  free  negroes,  one  for  one,  as 
we  do ;  their  criminals  as  we  do,  and  their  aliens 
also ;  and,  in  addition,  they  count  three  of  every 
live  slaves.  These  slaves  they  hold  as  property. 
They  buy  them,  sell  them,  mortgage  them,  and 
transfer  them  as  you  do  your  horses  and  cattle. 
You  have  no  representation  based  upon  your  horses 
and  your  cattle,  but  they  have  for  their  slave  prop 
erty.  This  provision  of  the  Constitution  requires  no 
comment.  Whatever  it  may  be,  the  republican 
party  is  not  asking  to  change  it.  I  should  not  have 
adverted  to  it  at  all  if  my  friend  had  not  turned  to 
it  in  the  beginning  of  this  discussion. 

HISTORICAL  REMINISCENCE  RECTIFIED. 

Again  he  refers  to  that  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  prevents  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade 


50 

prior  to  the  year  1808.  My  friends,  who  introduced 
that  provision  into  the  Constitution  ?  There  was  a 
universal  conviction,  at  the  time  that  instrument 
was  framed,  that  slavery  was  short-lived;  that  it 
would  soon  "become  extinct  in  the  United  States. 
It  was  the  general  understanding,  furthermore,  that 
the  slave  trade  would  be  prohibited ;  and  there  was 
no  necessity  to  insert  a  clause  that  the  Congress 
should  prohibit  it.  But  a  provision  was  inserted,  at 
the  instigation  of  South  Carolina,  she  declaring  that 
she  would  not  consent  to  the  Constitution  if  she 
was  prohibited  from  carrying  on  the  slave  trade 
until,  at  least,  1820.  It  was  at  the  instigation  of 
South  Carolina,  and  not  of  Massachusetts,  that  that 
clause  was  inserted.  I  have  no  doubt  persons  in 
the  New  England  States  were  interested  in  the 
slave  trade,  but  they  were  few  in  number,  and  they 
did  not  express  the  voice  of  any  State  of  the  North. 
But  this  provision  was  inserted  at  the  instigation 
of  South  Carolina,  the  demand,  in  fact,  being  made 
by  her. 

I  am  glad  that  my  friend  referred  to  that  provi 
sion  in  the  Constitution.  It  shows  this :  it  is  a 
provision  against  prohibiting  the  slave  trade,  and  it 
shows  the  feeling  that  prevailed  at  that  time  among 
the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  among  the  men  who 
made  the  Constitution  upon  the  subject  of  slavery ; 
it  shows  that  they  were  anti-slavery  men  in  senti 
ment,  and  that  this  provision  was  inserted  simply  to 
prevent  the  too  speedy  and  too  decisive  operation 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  51 

of  that  sentiment  in  cutting  off  tha  foreign  slave 
trade. 

QUERY  TO  BE  ANSWERED. 

Again,  my  friend  refers  to  that  provision  of  the 
Constitution  in  regard  to  the  reclamation  of  fugi 
tive  slaves.  He  says,  that  in  Massachusetts  and 
other  States,  they  have  passed  laws  to  prevent  the 
South  from  enjoying  the  benefit  of  this  provision 
of  the  Constitution.  Will  the  gentleman  point  to 
any  legislative  act,  outside  the  State  of  Massachu 
setts,  upon  that  subject.  His  declaration,  I  believe, 
was  in  general  terms;  the  republican  States  had 
done  the  thing.  In  Massachusetts  they  passed  a 
personal  liberty  bill.  It  was  the  opinion  of  many 
men  in  Massachusetts,  as  it  is  the  opinion  of  many 
everywhere,  that  the  fugitive  slave  law  is  defective ; 
that  under  that  law  free  men  may  be  carried  into 
servitude,  and  they  have  no  remedy.  Under  this 
conviction,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  freemen 
from  being  carried  into  slavery,  she  passed  a  per 
sonal  liberty  bill.  In  my  opinion  that  bill  was 
impolitic.  I  am  not  hereto  defend  it;  but  it  was 
not  a  bill  to  nullify  the  action  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law. 

But  while  my  friend  has  a  voice  of  condemnation 
for  the  action  of  Massachusetts,  what  word  has  he 
got  for  the  numerous  acts  of  the  slave  States 
interfering  with  the  great  rights  of  speech  and  the 
freedom  of  the  press?  Virginia  and  most  of  the 


52  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

slave  States  muzzle  the  press  and  seal  the  lips  of 
freemen  upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  all  kindred 
subjects.  While  the  gentleman  is  showering  denun 
ciations  upon  Massachusetts,  let  him  remember 
kindred  acts  in  the  South. 

THAT  SECRET  BUT  FEARFUL  PURPOSE. 

My  friend  says  there  is  a  party  in  the  North  that 
is  cherishing  the  secret  purpose  of  ultimately  over 
turning  and  destroying  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  South ;  of  denying  to  the  South  those  guaran 
tees  which  the  Constitution  has  accorded  to  her. 
What  evidence  is  there  in  the  world  of  the  correct 
ness  of  my  friend's  statement?  Look  to  your 
platform.  You  find  nothing  of  the  kind.  But  in 
the  total  absence  of  evidence  this  secret  purpose  is 
charged.  If  it  is  a  secret  purpose,  my  friend  can 
not  know  anything  of  it.  If  it  is  a  public  purpose, 
the  evidence  can  be  produced. 

Gentlemen,  my  friend  speaks  in  general  terms  of 
the  doctrine  of  non-intervention.  What  precise 
idea  is  conveyed  by  that  ?  I  know  it  has  been  a 
sort  of  catchword  with  the  democratic  party  for 
a  few  years  past.  Whenever  they  come  to  the 
subject  of  slavery,  they  always  tell  you  they  are  in 
favor  of  non-intervention.  I  say  that  that  is  now 
an  unmeaning  word.  It  now  conveys  no  idea. 
They  are  in  favor  of  non-intervention ;  they  want 
to  know  no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West ; 
they  want  to  know  nothing  upon  this  subject. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  53 

ANOTHER  QUESTION. 

My  friend  says  that  I  stand  upon  the  same  ground 
with  Yancey ;  that  I  and  Yancey  believe  alike.  I 
would  like  to  know  what  ground  he  stands  upon. 
We  are  tired  of  this  talk  about  non-intervention. 
The  political  questions  of  this  day  are  practical ; 
they  are  pointed;  there  is  no  difficulty  at  all  in 
knowing  just  what  it  is  that  now  divides  the  par 
ties — the  republican  party  from  both  factions  of  the 
democracy,  and  one  faction  of  the  democracy  from 
the  other.  My  friend  has  told  you  where  he  thinks 
I  stand,  and  I  shall  come  to  that  by-and-by. 
****** 

"YE  ANTIENTE  DOCTRINE  OFFE  YE  I^ON-!NTER- 
VENTION." 

My  friend  calls  this  doctrine  of  non-intervention, 
"  the  ancient  doctrine  of  non-intervention."  It  is 
certainly  not  more  than  six  years  old,  and  that  did 
not  use  to  make  a  thing  ancient,  but  it  seems  that 
it  does  now. 

The  great  doctrine,  from  the  time  our  Constitu 
tion  was  formed  until  1855,  as  recognized  by  all 
parties,  was  the  doctrine  of  intervention,  and  if  any 
doctrine  can  be  called  ancient,  that  is  the  ancient 
doctrine.  This  one  is  modern,  the  other  is  old. 
It  has  been  tried  in  but  a  single  case,  and  the  result 
is  written  in  blood  upon  the  plains  of  Kansas,  and 
on  the  darkest  page  in  the  history  of  American 


54 

politics.  Yet  this  novel,  this  new-fangled  theory  ia 
called,  in  the  hearing  of  sensible  and  honest  men, 
the  ancient  doctrine  of  non-intervention. 

SMOTHERED  WAR  CONTINUED. 

My  friend,  in  speaking  of  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  said  it  was  a  "  smothered  war ; "  that,  instead 
of  giving  peace,  it  had  been  a  smothered  war.  The 
war  that  before  was  smothered,  has  broken  out  in 
deeds  of  blood  that  have  drenched  the  soil  of  Kan 
sas  with  the  gore  of  freemen,  and  which  have  kin 
dled  the  flame  of  discord  between  the  North  and 
South.  God  only  knows  what  are  yet  in  reserve 
for  us  as  consequences  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise. 


TESTIMONY  OF  THE  GRAND  MOGULS  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

Let  me  refer  you  to  a  little  authority  on  this 
subject.  For  the  purpose  of  making  the  applica 
tion  more  pointed,  I  will  refer  to  Indiana  authority. 
The  democratic  party  of  Indiana  stood  upon  this 
doctrine  until  1854.  Let  me  read  to  you  an  extract 
from  an  opinion  of  Gov.  "Whitcomb.  The  State  of 
Indiana,  perhaps,  never  produced  an  abler  or  more 
honest  man  than  Gov.  "Whiteomb.  He  is  dead  and 
gone ;  but  all  delight  to  do  honor  to  the  memory 
of  that  great  man.  What  did  he  say?  In  1848, 
he  said : 

"It    is    incontrovertible    that    slavery,  here   as 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  55 

elsewhere,  can  not  exist  without  the  sanction  of 
positive  law.  I  am  opposed  to  the  passage  of  any 
such  law.  I  "believe  the  Congress  can,  constitution 
ally  pass  such  organic  laws  for  the  government  of 
the  Territories,  as  will,  in  their  operation,  prevent 
the  territorial  legislature  from  passing  any  such  law. 
It  follows  that  Congress  can,  in  my  judgment,  con 
stitutionally  prevent  the  introduction  of  slavery 
into  these  Territories." 

I  now  give  you  the  opinion  of  Judge  John  Law ; 
now,  I  believe,  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  the 
first  congressional  district,  on  the  democratic  ticket : 

"  I  feel  no  reluctance  in  answering  both  your 
questions  in  the  affirmative.  Were  I  in  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States,  I  should  most  assuredly 
give  my  vote  and  interest  in  favor  of  every  propo 
sition  for  excluding  slavery  from  any  territory  ac 
quired,  or  hereafter  acquired,  by  the  United  States. 
I  should  deem  any  prospective  action  of  Congress 
on  the  subject  both  legal  and  constitutional." 

"Well,  that  was  Judge  John  Law's  good  law  then ; 
but  it  is  bad  law  now,  it  seems,  with  him.  That 
gentleman  is  living  authority.  Let  me  read  to  you 
some  more.  I  will  read  the  opinion  of  a  prominent 
senator,  Dr.  Graham  ¥.  Fitch.  I  don't  know 
whether  you  consider  him  alive  or  dead  down  here. 

Col.  Foster  (a  prominent  democrat) — He  is  dead. 

A  voice — There  is  more  democratic  authority  for 
you. 

Mr.  Morton — Dead,  the  gentleman  says. 


56  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Col.  Foster  (again  interrupting) — And  politically 
damned ! 

Mr.  Morton — The  gentleman  adds  that  he  is  dead 
and  damned.  "Well,  if  he  be  so,  his  authority  is 
better,  because  he  is  dead — because  he  has  forsaken 
his  principles.  Mr.  Fitch  said  in  reply  to  a  letter, 
as  read : 

"  PLYMOUTH,  Aug.  14,  1849. 

"  Sir :  As  there  are  a  few  who  think  that  you  have 
not  been  quite  definite  enough  on  some  of  the  ques 
tions  involved  in  the  present  canvass,  I  wish  you  to 
answer  the  following  questions,  to  wit : 

"  1.  "Will  you,  if  elected,  vote  for  the  uncondi 
tional  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia  ? 

"  2.  Will  you  vote  for  the  abolition  of  the  inter 
state  slave  trade  (if  the  same  is  constitutional,  of 
which  I  am  not  satisfied)  ? 

"  3.  "Will  you  vote  for  the  "Wilmot  Proviso  being 
extended  over  the  Territories  of  California  and 
~NQW  Mexico,  and  against  any  law  authorizing 
slaves  to  be  taken  there  as  property  ? 

"  Please  answer  the  above  questions,  yes  or  no, 
without  comment." 

To  which  the  Doctor  replied : 

"With  pleasure  I  answer  yes  to  all  the  above 
questions. 

"  Entertaining  the  views  indicated  in  my  answer 
above,  I  shall  not  only  vote  '  yes '  on  those  questions, 
but  if  no  older  or  abler  member,  whose  influence 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  57 

for  them  would  be  greater  than  mine,  introduce 
them  to  Congress,  I  shall  do  so  myself,  if  I  have 
the  honor  of  holding  a  seat  there." 

I  will  now  read  you  some  further  authority,  out 
side  of  the  State  of  Indiana.  I  will  read  a  little  from 
Stephen  A.  Douglas.  "What  did  he  say?  Hear 
what  he  said  in  1849  : 

"  The  Missouri  Compromise  had  its  origin  in  the 
hearts  of  all  patriotic  men,  who  desired  to  preserve 
and  perpetuate  the  blessings  of  our  glorious  Union ; 
an  origin  akin  to  that  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States ;  conceived  in  the  same  spirit  of  fra 
ternal  affection,  and  calculated  to  remove  forever 
the  only  danger  which  seemed  to  threaten,  at  some 
distant  day,  to  sever  the  social  bond  of  union.  All 
the  evidence  of  public  opinion  at  that  day,  seemed 
to  indicate  that  this  compromise  had  become  canon 
ized  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  as  a 
sacred  thing,  which  no  ruthless  hand  would  ever  be 
reckless  enough  to  destroy." 

My  friend  says  it  has  been  a  smothered  war.  Mr. 
Douglas  did  not  seem  to  think  so.  He  spoke  in  the 
highest  terms  of  it,  and  gave  to  it  the  same  dignity 
and  the  same  sacred  character  as  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  itself;  and  he  said  it  was  so 
sacred  that  no  "  ruthless  hand  would  ever  be  reck 
less  enough  to  destroy  it."  Who  afterward  proved 
to  be  the  reckless  hand  ?  Mr.  Douglas  himself. 


58  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

A  QUESTION  DIRECT. 

Well,  now,  I  wish  to  consider  this  minority  report 
for  a  few  moments.  Mark  you,  it  was  the  carrying 
out  of  the  platform  of  Douglas,  as  developed  in  his 
late  speech  in  the  Senate.  He  does  not  tell  you 
whether  he  believes  the  people  have  the  power  to 
exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories  or  not.  He 
talks,  as  does  my  friend,  in  general  terms,  very  ear 
nestly  and  plausibly,  about  the  right  of  the  people 
to  govern  themselves ;  and  that  is  indeed  something ; 
it  sounds  well  in  a  speech  or  on  the  stump ;  but 
when  he  comes  to  the  only  real  question — Have  the 
people  power  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territo 
ries? — he  says,  that  is  a  "judicial  question."  Gen 
tlemen,  I  want  my  friend,  before  he  has  done — and 
I  doubt  not  he  will  gladly  embrace  the  occasion — to 
tell  you  whether  the  people  of  the  Territories  have 
the  power  to  exclude  slavery.  That  is  a  very 
important  question.  It  seems  it  was  important 
enough  to  split  the  Charleston  convention  in  two ; 
and  it  threatens  to  split  the  Baltimore  conven 
tion  in  two.  Being  of  so  much  importance,  my 
friend  will  not  omit  to  tell  you  on  which  side  he 
stands. 

JUDICIAL  QUESTIONS. 

Now  I  want  to  consider  this  judicial  question. 
Is  it  a  judicial^  question  ?  "With  just  as  much  pro 
priety  you  might  call  it  a  moral  question,  and  refer 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  59 

it  to  the  convention  lately  in  session  at  Buffalo  ;  or 
a  scientific  question,  and  refer  it  to  a  board  of  science. 
Call  it  anything  except  what  it  is — a  decent  way  of 
dodging  a  responsibility  and  cheating  the  people 
out  of  their  votes. 

If  this  is  a  judicial  one,  I  would  like  to  know 
if  the  question  of  building  a  railroad  from  the 
Atlantic  coast  to  the  Pacific  shore  is  not  equally  a 
judicial  question?  There  is  no  question  which 
might  not,  with  equal  propriety,  be  called  a  judicial 
question.  Let,  then,  these  gentlemen  be  excused 
upon  all  subjects,  for  it  can  be  done  with  precisely 
the  same  propriety. 

But,  gentlemen,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
recently  passed  a  series  of  resolutions,  introduced 
by  Davis  of  Mississippi.  They  affirm  the  same 
doctrine  that  I  have  spoken  of;  the  right  to  carry 
slavery  into  all  the  Territories,  and  the  absence  of 
any  power  to  prevent  it ;  and  the  duty  of  Congress 
to  intervene,  if  necessary,  for  the  protection  of  the 
institution.  These  resolutions  received  the  vote  of 
every  democratic  senator  present,  save  only  one. 
They  received  the  vote  of  your  senators  from  the 
State  of  Indiana — I  will  not  call  them  senators,  for 
they  are  bogus ;  they  were  never  elected,  but  they 
hold  seats  there.  And  if  there  is  an  authoritative 
exposition  of  democratic  faith  that  has  been  made, 
it  must  be  found  in  those  resolutions.  Douglas  does 
not  take  different  grounds.  He  admits,  distinctly, 
that  the  Constitution  gives  the  right  to  take  slavery 


00  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

into  the  Territories;  he  does  not  contend  for  a 
single  moment,  that  local  law  is  necessary  to  author 
ize  the  master  to  hold  his  slaves  there  ;  and  when 
he  comes  to  the  question  of  the  power  of  the  people 
to  turn  slavery  out,  he  gives  no  opinion  one  way  or 
the  other,  but  he  says,  "  that  is  a  judicial  question." 


VENERATION  FOR  COURTS. 

But  we  have  had  a  more  recent  example.  The 
charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  about 
to  expire.  That  charter  had  been  held  to  be  con 
stitutional  when  that  question  had  come  properly 
before  the  bench,  and  the  court  was  compelled  to 
decide  it.  "Well,  the  charter  of  the  bank  being 
about  to  expire,  a  bill  for  a  recharter  was  introduced. 
It  came  before  General  Jackson  for  approval,  and 
the  old  man  said  :  "  I  have  sworn  to  support  the 
Constitution  as  I  understand  it;  and  I  veto  this, 
because  Congress  has  no  power  to  create  a  United 
States  Bank."  In  1856,  at  Cincinnati,  in  their  plat 
form,  the  democratic  party  affirmed  that  Congress 
had  no  such  power,  right  in  the  face  of  the  decisions 
of  the  supreme  court  ;  and  recently  at  Charleston, 
both  of  the  platforms  I  have  spoken  of  reaffirmed 
the  Cincinnati  platform.  Thus  it  appears  that, 
whereas,  the  decisions  of  the  supreme  court  are 
binding  —  infallible  and  absolutely  binding  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery  —  yet  we  spit  upon  them  and  defy 
them  upon  the  subject  of  a  bank.  In  other  words, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  61 

the  democratic  party  sustains  the  decision  ;  it  sus 
tains  the  party  and  ignores  its  existence,  when  the 
party  gains  nothing  by  supporting  it.  This  is  his 
tory.  It  is  truth,  as  recorded  in  their  platform. 


A  GLANCE  AT  .THE  RECORD. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  want  to  refer  to  this  thing  — 
this  new  discovery  of  the  meaning  of  our.  Consti 
tution.  I  have  mentioned  to  you  what  the  policy 
of  this  government  was  until  1854.  Why,  gentle 
men,  the  sixth  act  passed  by  the  first  Congress  under 
the  present  Constitution,  was  the  act  to  reaffirm  the 
ordinance  of  1787.  That  act  prohibited  slavery  in 
all  the  Northwest  Territories.  The  sixth  act,  passed 
under  the  present  Constitution,  reaffirmed  that 
ordinance.  That  ordinance  had  been  passed  by  the 
old  Congress  of  the  confederation,  and  it  was  worth 
less  under  the  present  Constitution,  unless  adopted 
by  the  present  government;  and  it  was  adopted, 
and  it  excluded  slavery  from  all  the  Northwest 
territory,  including  Indiana.  From  time  to  time, 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Adams,  Jackson,  Van 
Buren  and  Polk,  all  signed  bills  for  prohibiting 
slavery  in  various  territories.  James  K.  Polk,  a 
slaveholder  from  Tennessee  (who,  I  believe,  was  an 
honest  man,  and  who  made  a  good  president),  him 
self  signed  the  bill  passed  by  Congress  which  ex 
cluded  slavery  from  the  Territory  of  Oregon  ;  and 
we  have  a  chain  of  acts,  from  the  time  of  Washing 


62  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ton,  recognizing  the  power  of  Congress  to  exclude 
slavery  from  the  Territories. 

I  might  just  say  here,  that  it  is  entirely  possible 
that  we  might  be  wiser  than  our  fathers  on  the  sub 
ject  of  expediency  and  policy,  because  human 
observation  and  experience  are  constantly  adding  to 
the  store  of  human  knowledge ;  but,  I  say,  upon  a 
question  of  constitutional  construction,  it  is  mere 
nonsense  to  declare  that  the  men  of  a  later  genera 
tion  can  be  wiser  than  the  men  that  made  the 
instrument.  How,  gentlemen,  can  the  most  intelli 
gent  court  that  ever  sat  in  this  desk  understand 
better  what  the  parties  to  a  contract  meant  than  the 
parties  themselves,  however  illiterate  they  may  be  ? 
Certainly  this  can  not  be.  The  whole  business  of 
construction  is  to  find  out  what  the  parties  meant, 
and  when  the  parties  themselves  have  acted  upon 
that  declaration  throughout  their  lives,  that  settles 
the  question. 

Suppose  I  write  a  letter  to  my  friend ;  I  suppose 
I  have  as  good  a  right  to  say  what  I  meant  by  it,  as 
he  or  any  other  man.  Suppose,  fifty  years  after, 
some  person  should  say  that  he  knew  more  than  I 
about  the  meaning  of  my  own  letter,  what  would 
you  say  to  him  ?  You  would  say,  that  he  is  surely 
a  modern  democratic,  constitutional  lawyer,  and 
you  know  they  are  much  wiser  than  were  the  men 
seventy  years  ago. 
****** 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  63 


EQUALITY. 

But  my  friend  has  a  good  deal  to  say  about  negro 
equality.  That  is  the  burden  of  the  song  on  the  part 
of  the  democratic  party,  negro  equality,  negro  equal 
ity  !  Who  is  in  favor  of  it  ?  Is  the  republican  party 
in  favor  of  it  ?  If  so,  where  is  the  evidence  of  it  ? 
We  have  had  a  great  deal  of  loose  declamation. 

Col.  Foster  —  I  will  tell  you  where  the  evidence 
of  it  is. 

Mr.  Morton  —  Well,  say  on. 

Col.  Foster  —  In  Massachusetts  ;  ninety-five  white 
women  married  to  as  many  negroes. 

Mr.  Morton  —  My  friend  speaks  of  negroes  voting 
in  Massachusetts.  When  were  the  negroes  first 
allowed  to  vote  there  ?  Has  it  been  since  the  repub 
lican  party  has  been  in  existence  ?  No,  sir.  They 
voted  in  those  palmy  days  when  the  democratic 
party  elected  governors. 

Col.  Foster  —  I  am  speaking  of  practical  amal 
gamation, 

Mr.  Morton  —  You  placed  it  there.  My  friend 
spoke  of  Ohio  too.  He  spoke  of  Ohio,  the  negroes 
being  allowed  to  vote  there.  I  ask,  under  what 
constitution  are  they  allowed  to  vote  ?  I  ask,  who 
made  that  constitution?  That  constitution  was 
made  when  the  democratic  party  had  a  majority 
of  twenty  thousand  in  that  State,  and  in  the  con 
vention  that  made  that  constitution,  there  was  a 
large  democratic  majority.  When,  gentlemen,  were 


64  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

negroes  first  allowed  to  vote  in  the  State  of  Maine  ? 
In  the  good  days  when  the  democratic  party  had  an 
overruling  majority  in  the  State.  In  point  of  fact, 
my  friend  can  not  point  to  a  single  step  taken  in  a 
free  State,  toward  enlarging  the  rights  of  a  free 
negro — toward  negro  equality — since  the  republican 
party  came  into  power.  My  friend  may  take  the 
State  of  New  York.  When  were  negroes  first 
allowed  to  vote  there  ?  Years  and  years  ago,  before 
the  republican  party  had  power.  Who  was  in  favor 
of  it?  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  bosom  friend  of 
Jackson,  the  man  who,  with  his  son  John,  are  ardent 
supporters  of  this  democratic  administration. 

So  far  as  this  thing  is  concerned,  all  this  was  done 
years  ago.  The  democratic  party  is  as  much  re 
sponsible  for  them  to-day  as  ever ;  and  as  far  as  the 
republican  party  is  concerned,  they  were  all  done 
before  it  was  called  into  existence. 

A  SYLLOGISM. 

But  because  we  are  in  favor  of  excluding  slavery 
from  the  Territories,  it  is  insinuated  that  we  are  in 
favor  of  negro  equality.  There  are,  perhaps,  pres 
ent,  a  number  of  young  men  from  the  State  Uni 
versity,  and  I  might  state,  in  the  form  of  a  syllogism, 
that  the  republican  party  is  in  favor  of  excluding 
slavery  from  the  Territories ;  every  party  in  favor 
of  excluding  slavery  from  the  Territories,  is  in  favor 
of  negro  equality;  therefore,  the  republican  party 
is  in  favor  of  negro  equality  in  the  State  of  Indiana. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  65 

Is  that  a  good  syllogism?  I  will  state  another. 
The  earth  is  a  planet ;  all  planets  have  their  orbits ; 
consequently  the  moon  is  made  of  green  cheese. 
My  friend,  himself,  is  in  favor  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law,  because  it  keeps  fugitive  slaves  from  Indiana, 
and  he  says  we  ought  to  stand  by  that  law  because 
it  maintains  the  dignity  of  free  labor  in  Indiana. 
If  it  is  good  to  keep  negroes  out  of  Indiana,  fugi 
tives  though  they  be,  is  it  not  also  good  to  keep 
negroes  out  of  the  Territories  when  they  are  slaves ; 
and  if  he  be  in  favor  of  excluding  fugitive  slaves 
from  Indiana,  is  he  not  also  in  favor  of  negro  equal 
ity,  according  to  his  own  argument?  Is  not  the 
reason  as  strong  in  the  one  case  as  the  other  ?  Was 
the  gentleman  in  favor  of  negro  equality  ?  "Was  he 
an  abolitionist,  when  he  was  in  favor  of  this  doc 
trine  which  we  advocate  ?  Gentlemen,  this  whole 
charge  of  negro  equality  has  no  foundation  in  fact. 
It  is  but  an  appeal  to  the  prejudices  of  this  people 
upon  the  subject  of  color.  "When  these  gentlemen 
are  applied  to,  to  offer  evidence  as  to  why  or  how 
we  are  in  favor  of  this  thing,  they  say  it  is  a  "  secret 
purpose."  If  they  refer  to  our  platform,  they  can 
not  find  it  there. 

LATER  NEWS. 

The  gentleman  tells  you  he  can  tell  you  where  to 

find  my  doctrine,  and  then  he  refers  to  the  Buffalo 

platform  and  says  you  can  find  my  doctrine  in  it. 

I  can  find  it  in  another  platform.     I  have  it  here, 

6 


6G  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

laid  down  by  the  democratic  convention  of  the 
State  of  Indiana,  at  the  city  of  Indianapolis,  and 
there  unanimously  adopted.  What  did  that  plat 
form  declare  ? 

Resolved,  That  the  institution  of  slavery  ought 
not  to  be  introduced  into  any  territory  where  it 
does  not  now  exist. 

That  is  good  republican  doctrine  to-day.  That 
is  good  republican  doctrine  now.  But  it  goes  on 
to  say  further : 

Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  New  Mexico  and 
California  are,  in  fact  and  in  law,  free  Territories, 
it  is  the  duty  of  Corjgress  to  prevent  the  introduc 
tion  of  slavery  within  their  limits. 

Here  is  where  I  can  find  the  republican  doctrine 
in  all  its  purity ;  in  all  its  fullness.  I  do  not  have  to 
go  back  to  the  Buffalo  platform.  And  this  was  no 
new  doctrine  with  the  democratic  party.  The  whig 
party  stood  on  the  same  ground,  and  the  democratic 
party  had  been  affirming  it,  from  time  to  time, 
whenever  the  occasion  presented. 

THE  TWICE-SHOT  POWDER. 

"Well,  gentlemen,  about  this  charge  of  abolition 
ism.  It  has,  I  think,  been  about  worn  out ;  it  is 
all  old,  stale,  dry ;  it  has  had  its  day.  It  may  still 
have  power,  however,  to  deceive  a  few ;  but  I  think 
they  will  be  very  few.  It  has  been  charged  that  I 
am  an  abolitionist  for  standing  on  this  ground.  I 
suspect  my  friend  here  was  one  a  few  years  ago,  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  67 

that  every  democrat  was  one  too.  "Washington, 
too,  must  have  been  an  abolitionist ;  Jefferson  was 
one,  as  was  also  Madison,  and  this  man  Douglas  was 
one  until  but  a  few  years  ago.  Why,  gentlemen,  I 
don't  speak  here  to-day  to  convince  democratic  pol- 
iticans.  I  don't  expect  to  be  able  to  do  that.  They 
remind  me  of  a  lawyer  I  once  heard  of.  A  judge 
had  given  a  decision  in  which  he  was  interested, 
and  he  did  not  like  the  decision,  so  he  got  up  and 
read  an  opposing  page  from  Blackstone,  and  then 
he  said,  he  did  not  do  it  to  change  the  opinion  of 
the  court,  but  only  to  show  what  an  old  fool  Black- 
stone  was.  I  only  refer  to  these  things  to  show 
what  old  fools  our  fathers  were.  To  show  what 
blockheads  these  men  were  all  their  lives  until  about 
four  years  ago ;  to  show  that  the  "  Little  Giant " 
was  a  very  little  giant  until  about  the  first  of  Feb 
ruary,  1854.  About  that  time,  you  know,  he  expe 
rienced  a  great  change  of  heart ;  the  scales  fell  from 
his  eyes,  and  he  saw  the  truth  face  to  face.  Old 
Buck,  you  know,  was  not  converted  until  about  two 
years  afterward. 

A  voice — He  backslided  awful  quick,  too. 

Mr.  Morton — This  charge  of  abolitionism  is,  how 
ever,  still  made.  It  reminds  me  of  an  anecdote  I 
once  heard.  A  man  said  he  was  traveling  through 
the  State  of  Virginia,  when  he  came  where  a  polit 
ical  meeting  was  being  held  in  the  woods,  and  a 
debate  was  progressing  between  two  candidates  for 
Congress.  One  of  the  candidates  was  a  young  man, 


68  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  the  other  was  getting  well  on  in  years,  and  the 
young  man  was  charging,  most  vociferously,  that 
his  competitor  had  once  been  a  federalist,  and,  in 
consequence,  was  unqualified  to  represent  the  people 
in  Congress.  When  the  old  man's  turn  came,  he 
said  he  could  not  see  much  sense  in  the  thing.  The 
federal  party  had  passed  away,  and  he  could  not 
see  why  his  friend  brought  it  up  again ;  it  reminded 
him  a  good  deal  of  a  circumstance  that  happened 
in  his  neighborhood.  There  was  a  farmer,  who  had 
in  his  field  a  rock  which  had  long  been  an  eye-sore 
to  him.  "Well,  being  about  to  leave  home  for  a  day 
or  two,  he  called  his  man  to  him,  and  said  he : 
"  Tom,  while  I  am  gone,  I  want  you  to  go  to  town 
and  get  a  couple  of  kegs  of  powder,  and  blast  that 
rock  and  haul  it  away."  "Well,  when  he  came  back 
he  went  into  his  field  to  see  what  had  been  done, 
and  there  was  the  rock,  with  here  and  there  a  few 
holes,  and  some  marks  of  gunpowder.  He  called 
out  in  great  anger :  "  Tom,  didn't  I  tell  you  to  blast 
that  rock  and  haul  it  away  ?  "  To  which  darkey 
replied,  "  Massa,  I'll  tell  you  what  it  is.  You  can't 
blast  that  'ere  rock  with  that  'ere  powder !  In  my 
'pinion  that  powder  has  been  shot  once  before." 
So  of  this  charge  of  abolitionism.  It  has  been  shot 
several  times  before. 

My  friend  sometimes  refers  to  the  good  deeds 
done  by  the  democracy.  The  democrats  have  done 
some  good  things  in  their  day,  but  that  was  when 
they  stood  upon  good  ground,  and  a  reference  to 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  69 

past  deeds  only  makes  the  darkness  of  their  present 
deeds  more  palpable.  In  point  of  fact,  I  do  not  see 
that  any  man  or  party  could  be  thoroughly  imbued 
with  republican  principles  without  doing  a  good 
many  good  things.  So  it  was  with  the  democratic 
party. 


70  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Campaign  of  1860— Great  meeting  of  republicans  at  Fort 
Wayne — Able  and  eloquent  speech  of  Governor  Morton — 
Masterly  review  of  the  political  questions  of  the  day. 

A  republican  meeting  was  held,  during  the  cam 
paign  of  1860,  at  Fort  "Wayne.  It  had  been  previ 
ously  announced  that  the  Hon.  0.  P.  Morton  would 
be  present  and  address  the  meeting.  The  weather, 
on  the  day  appointed,  was  very  unpropitious.  Not 
withstanding  this,  the  people  gathered  in  great 
numbers,  and  the  "  Wide- Awakes  "  turned  out  two 
hundred  strong.  The  desire  to  hear  the  candidate  for 
Lieut.  Governor  was  sufficiently  earnest  to  overcome 
all  ordinary  obstacles.  At  seven  o'clock  Mr.  Morton 
was  introduced  to  the  audience,  and  the  speech  he 
delivered  on  that  occasion  was  more  than  sufficient 
to  compensate  those  who  were  present  for  the  slight 
sacrifice  they  made  to  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  hearing 
him.  Like  all  others  of  his  speeches,  it  was  deliv 
ered  extemporaneously,  but  the  symmetry  of  its 
structure  and  the  incisiveness  of  its  logic,  show  that 
it  had  been  thoroughly  prepared. 

We  present  it  as  reported  by  a  phonographer  for 
the  Cincinnati  Gazette. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  71 

On  being  introduced  to  the  audience,  Mr.  Morton 
said : 

FELLOW  CITIZENS  :  I  was  in  your  city  four  years 
ago  as  a  candidate,  and  at  that  time  feebly  attempted 
to  represent  to  you  republican  principles.  And  I  can 
say,  honestly  to  you  to-night,  that  I  have  nothing 
new  to  offer.  I  do  not  know  that,  since  that  time, 
the  republican  party  has  espoused  any  new  princi 
ple,  nor  do  I  know  that  they  have  abandoned  any 
old  one.  There  is  one  peculiarity  by  which  our 
principles  are  distinguished  from  those  of  our  oppo 
nents.  They  are  old,  while  those  of  our  opponents 
are  new.  There  are  some  things  which  we  should 
prefer  on  account  of  their  age,  and  others  on  account 
of  their  youth.  Among  the  former  we  reckon 
principles  of  political  action.  So  far  as  the  princi 
ples  upon  which  this  government  ought  to  be  admin 
istered  are  concerned,  I  prefer  those  which  our 
fathers  practiced,  and  which  they  taught  to  their 
children. 

THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION. 

The  first  question  to  which  I  will  invite  your 
attention  to-night,  is  the  question  of  slavery.  This 
may  seem  stale  and  threadbare  to  many  of  you,  but 
it  is  utter  nonsense  to  say  we  will  not  think  about 
nor  discuss  this  question.  It  must  and  will  be  dis 
cussed.  We  shall  never  have  peace  in  the  country 
until  it  is  settled,  and  settled  upon  correct  principles. 
It  enters  into  the  consideration  of  all  classes  of  men. 


72  LIFE,  SPEECHES  £ND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

It  has  gone  into  the  general  assembly,  into  the  gen 
eral  conference,  and  into  the  national  councils,  there 
producing  scenes  of  disorder  that  have  disgraced  the 
nation  before  the  civilized  world.  We  must  meet 
the  question.  The  longer  it  is  deferred  the  more 
difficult  and  complicated  it  becomes — like  the  settle 
ment  of  an  old  estate.  It  is  not  the  part  of  man 
hood  or  of  patriotism  to  defer  the  struggle  and  seek 
to  cast  it  upon  a  future  generation,  together  with 
all  the  aggravations  and  complications  of  delay.  If 
we  meet  it  at  once  as  men,  with  a  spirit  of  mutual 
kindness  and  forbearance,  I  believe  it  can  be  settled, 
and  that  all  will  be  well.  It  was  thus  our  fathers 
acted  when  a  tax  of  three  pence  per  pound  was 
levied  upon  tea.  The  tax  in  itself  was  a  trivial 
matter,  and  they  could  have  paid  it  without  real 
izing  it,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view ;  but  it  in 
volved  a  principle  which,  in  its  ultimate  conse 
quences,  might  make  them  and  their  posterity 
slaves,  and  they  resolved  to  meet  the  issue  at  once. 
Let  us  emulate  their  example. 

THE  MISSION  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  mission  of  the  republican  party  is  to  prevent 
the  further  extension  of  slavery,  and  to  rescue  the 
government  from  the  corruption  and  abuses  of  the 
party  in  power.  For  these  purposes  it  was  called 
into  being,  and  when  they  shall  have  been  accom 
plished  we  are  content  that  it  should  die.  Embraced 
within  it  as  its  great  central  idea,  its  very  existence, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  73 

is  the  protection,  dignity  and  elevation  of  free  labor. 
AVho  so  dull  as  not  to  see  that  labor  is  degraded  and 
put  beneath  the  dignity  of  free  men,  when  it  is  per 
formed  by  slaves  ?  And  who  so  dull  as  not  to  see 
that  the  superstructure  of  our  liberty,  our  power 
and  prosperity,  is  erected  upon  the  foundation  of 
free  and  honorable  labor.  The  party  opposed  to  us 
is  the  party  of  slave  labor,  who  believe  that  the 
laboring  classes  are  what  Mr.  Hammond  called 
them,  "  the  mudsills  of  society,  and  ought  to  be 
excluded  from  all  participation  in  the  government 
of  the  nation."  ~Not  that  they  openly  avow  and 
advocate  such  doctrine  in  the  North,  but  that  they 
are  in  active  co-operation  and  coalition  with  the 
party  in  the  South  that  do. 

REPUBLICAN  DOCTRINE. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to  investigate  and 
understand  the  true  issues  involved  in  the  approach 
ing  election,  to  know  what  it  is  they  are  voting  for 
when  they  vote  for  certain  men ;  to  know  what  it 
is  they  are  opposing  when  they  seek  the  defeat  of 
other  men.  To  understand  these  issues  correctly^ 
we  must  refer  to  the  early  history  of  the  Republic 
and  recur  to  its  principles.  The  fundamental  prin 
ciples  underlying  the  republican  doctrine,  the  faith 
of  the  fathers  and  the  practice  of  the  government, 
for  more  than  half  a  century,  all  go  to  show  that 
slavery  is  local  and  municipal ;  that  it  can  only , exist 
by  virtue  of  positive  law ;  that  before  it  can  exist 
7 


74  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

in  any  state,  territory  or  community,  there  must 
be  a  law  enacted  authorizing  and  creating  it.  In 
other  words,  that  there  is  no  general  principle  of 
law  enabling  one  man  to  hold  another  as  a  slave. 
The  law  of  nations,  which  recognizes  the  right  of 
men,  everywhere,  to  hold  property  in  lands,  in 
horses  and  in  cattle,  in  gold  and  in  silver,  and  in 
every  species  of  inanimate  goods,  does  not  recog 
nize  the  right  of  man  to  hold  property  in  his  fellow 
man.  The  common  law  which  our  fathers  brought 
with  them  to  this  country,  and  which  forms  the 
basis  of  the  law  of  every  State  in  the  Union,  save 
one,  recognizes  the  right  of  men  to  hold  property 
in  all  these  things,  but  does  not  admit  the  right  of 
man  to  hold  property  in  man.  There  being,  then, 
no  general  principle  of  law  by  which  a  slave  can  be 
held  as  property,  it  follows  that  the  Territories  are 
free,  because  of  the  absence  in  them  of  any  law 
authorizing  slavery ;  and  hence,  before  yo\i  can  hold 
a  slave  in  a  Territory,  there  must  be  a  law  made  for 
that  purpose.  Another  consequence  flowing  from 
this  doctrine  is,  that  slavery  in  the  States  is  entirely 
and  absolutely  within  the  control  of  the  States  in 
which  it  exists ;  that  the  people  of  the  free  States 
have  no  power  to  interfere  with  it  in  any  respect 
whatsoever ;  but  that  its  regulation,  preservation  or 
destruction,  belongs  exclusively  to  the  people  of  the 
State  in  which  it  is  established.  It  was  the  recog 
nition  of  this  principle  that  led  to  the  insertion  of 
the  clause  in  the  Constitution  for  the  recovery  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  75 

fugitive  slaves ;  for,  according  to  this  doctrine,  if  a 
slave  went  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  State  in 
which  he  was  held,  into  a  free  State,  even  by  an 
escape,  he  was  a  free  man,  and  could  not  be  recov 
ered  and  sent  back  to  slavery,  because  of  the  absence 
of  any  general  law  recognizing  the  relation  of  mas 
ter  and  slave.  Hence,  in  framing  the  Constitution, 
the  slave  States  insisted  upon  the  insertion  of  a 
clause  which  would  give  them  the  right  to  recapture 
their  fugitives  from  slavery.  There  is  no  clause  for 
the  recovery  of  any  other  species  of  property,  and 
the  reason  is  this,  that  all  other  property  is  recog 
nized  and  recovered  by  general  principles  of  law. 
The  question  then  is,  what  power  or  tribunal  can 
legislate  for  the  Territories  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery  ?  The  Territories  are  the  property  of  the 
General  government,  and  the  right  to  acquire  them 
will  not  be  disputed.  If  the  Government  can  ac 
quire,  can  it  not  govern  that  which  it  acquires? 
Would  the  right  to  acquire,  without  the  power  to 
govern  the  thing  acquired,  be  of  any  value  ?  The 
right  to  govern  is,  therefore,  an  incident  to  the  right 
to  acquire.  The  Territories  belong  to  all  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  and  not  to  any  particular  part 
of  them.  They  belong  to  them  in  their  corporate, 
national  and  governmental  capacity.  This  being 
the  case,  how  shall  the  people,  the  nation,  express 
themselves,  or  make  manifest  their  wishes  respecting 
their  property — these  Territories-— except  through 
Congress?  Have  the  people  of  the  nation  any 


76  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

other  voice  or  medium  of  expression.  A  territorial 
government  would  represent  but  a  very  small  frag 
ment  of  the  entire  nation.  But  we  are  not  limited 
to  this  principle  to  derive  the  power  of  Congress  to 
govern  the  Territories.  It  is  plainly  and  explicitly 
declared  in  the  Constitution,  that  "  Congress  shall 
have  power  to  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations 
for  the  government  of  the  territory  and  other  prop 
erty  belonging  to  the  United  States."  The  gentle 
man  who  drafted  this  provision,  understood  it  as 
conferring  upon  Congress  plenary  power  to  legislate 
upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  upon  all  other  sub 
jects  appertaining  to  the  Territories ;  and  not  only 
so,  but  it  was  so  understood  by  men  of  all  parties, 
North  and  South,  East  and  West,  for  more  than 
fifty  years.  This  construction  of  it  has  only  been 
called  in  question  within  a  few  years  past,  by  the 
democratic  party,  under  the  pressure  of  new  and 
extravagant  demands  made  by  the  South. 

HISTORICAL  FACTS. 

The  present  Government  began  its  life  in  1789, 
by  re-enacting  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  which  de 
clared  that  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  should 
never  exist  in  the  North-western  Territory,  which 
was  then  all  the  territory  that  belonged  to  the 
General  government,  except  as  a  punishment  for 
crime,  whereof  the  party  had  been  duly  convicted. 
The  new  government  thus  set  out  in  its  journey  of 
national  life  by  a  legislative  declaration  again-- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  77 

slavery,  and  from  time  to  time  that  declaration  has 
'been  renewed  up  to  and  including  Millard  Fill- 
more.  The  doctrine  of  the  power  and  duty  of 
Congress  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories 
has  been  the  faith  of  every  party.  It  was  the  doc 
trine  of  the  old  federal  party,  the  old  republican 
party,  of  the  whig  party  and  of  the  democratic 
party  throughout  all  its  honest  and  honorable  days. 
Upon  this  time-honored  doctrine  we  stand,  and  by 
it  we  will  fall,  if  fall  we  must.  We  want  no  new 
views  of  the  Constitution.  Its  construction  was 
settled  by  the  first  Congress  and  every  department 
of  the  Government  for  more  than  half  a  century. 
That  construction  is  in  harmony  with  the  plain 
reading  of  the  instrument.  It  regards  the  Terri 
tories  as  the  children  of  the  Republic,  to  be  trained 
up  in  the  nurture  and  admonition  of  free  and  be 
nign  institutions,  so  that  when  they  have  arrived 
at  the  age  of  majority  they  will  be  qualified  to 
take  their  places  in  the  family  of  States,  and  be 
admitted  to  all  the  privileges  and  advantages 
of  the  Union;  and  as  these  Territories  are  to 
become  our  future  partners  in  the  Union,  and 
in  the  administration  of  the  Government,  we 
have  a  deep  interest  in  the  formation  of  their 
characters  and  national  habits.  Our  destinies 
are  to  be  placed  in  their  hands,  as  well  as 
theirs  in  ours,  and  we  are  deeply  interested  that 
they  shall  contract  no  habit  or  institution  that 
shall  mar  their  permanent  usefulness,  power,  or 


78  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

prosperity  as  members  of  the  Union.  We  are, 
therefore,  interested  in  seeing  to  it  that  they  do  not 
contract  the  bad  habit  of  slavery,  polygamy,  or 
other  great  national  and  social  vice.  -As  our 
children  are  to  the  family  and  society,  so  are  our 
Territories  to  the  Union  and  our  great  society  of 
States.  We  believe  that  slavery  is  a  moral,  social, 
and  political  evil.  That  it  is  a  curse  to  any  peo 
ple — a  foe  to  progress — the  enemy  of  education 
and  intelligence,  and  an  element  of  social  and  po 
litical  weakness.  For  these  reasons  we  are  opposed 
to  the  further  extension  of  slavery.  But  there  are 
other  considerations  of  a  more  personal  and  selfish 
character.  If  we  do  not  exclude  slavery  from  the 
Territories,  it  will  exclude  us.  Free  labor  will  not 
go  to  any  considerable  extent  where  slave  labor 
exists,  because  it  is  degraded  and  dishonored  by 
the  association.  Hence,  while  there  are  thousands 
that  come  to  Indiana,  Ohio,  and  other  free  States 
from  Kentucky,  Virginia,  and  other  slave  States, 
there  is  hardly  one  for  a  thousand  who  goes  hence 
to  the  slave  States.  Sometimes  a  Yankee  tin  ped 
dler  will  marry  a  rich  Southern  widow  with  negroes, 
or  a  briefless  lawyer  from  the  North  a  wealthy 
Southern  heiress,  and  straightway  he  becomes  the 
most  bitter  and  malignant  of  pro-slavery  partisans. 
But  the  fact  is  that  the  great  body  of  emigration 
is  from  the  slave  to  the  free  States.  The  introduc 
tion  of  slavery  into  a  Territory  prevents  you  and 
your  children  going  there  as  effectually  as  would  a 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  79 

legislative  act.  It  erects  a  barrier  to  your  emigra 
tion  which  you  will  never  surmount.  If  you 
would,  therefore,  preserve  these  Territories  as  an 
inheritance  to  you  and  your  children,  to  which  you 
and  they  may  retire  when  society  here  becomes  too 
crowded,  or  the  pressure  of  circumstances  make  a 
removal  necessary,  you  must  preserve  them  free. 
Free  labor  and  slave  labor  will  not  flourish  in  the 
same  bed.  You  can  not  graft  the  one  upon  the 
stalk  of  the  other.  Where  slave  labor  strikes  its 
roots  deep  into  the  soil  of  a  Territory,  free  labor 
will  not  grow  but  perish  at  the  threshold.  We  are 
all  personally  interested  in  this  question — not  indi 
rectly  and  remotely  as  in  a  mere  political  abstrac 
tion — but  directly,  pecuniarily,  and  selfishly.  How 
can  you,  my  democratic  friends,  labor  for  or  even 
consent  to  the  building  up  of  an  institution  in  the 
Territories  which  turns  you  and  your  children  out? 
If  you  do  not  care  for  yourselves,  at  least  care  for 
your  children.  You  owe  to  them  a  duty  quite  as 
high  and  as  saered  as  that  which  you  owe  to  your 
party.  But  it  is  said  that  the  slaveholder  has  just 
as  good  a  right  to  take  his  slaves  to  the  Territory 
as  you  have  to  take  your  horses  there  from  the 
State  of  Indiana,  and  that  if  he  be  prohibited  from 
so  doing  it  creates  inequality.  Let  us  consider 
this  proposition  a  moment.  Can  not  the  slave 
holder  go  from  Kentucky  to  Kansas  and  take  with 
him  every  species  of  property  which  you  can  take 
from  Indiana  ?  And  may  he  not  pursue,  when  he 


80  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

gets  there,  every  avocation  that  you  could  going 
from  Indiana  ?  If  so,  then  you  and  he  are  on  a 
perfect  equality.  But  if  he  takes  slaves,  he  there 
takes  what  you  can  not,  and  this  creates  inequality. 
Not  only  so;  he  takes  what  particularly  excludes 
you  from  the  Territory,  and  thus  creates  the  grossest 
inequality.  The  truth  is  there  is  no  equality  where 
there  is  not  freedom,  and  that  slavery  engenders 
inequality  both  socially  and  politically. 

ABOLITIONISM. 

But  all  this  will  he  met  and  answered  by  the 
charge  of  abolitionism,  as  it  has  been  done  before. 
If  a  man  can  not  meet  your  arguments  he  can  at 
least  call  you  an  abolitionist.  If  he  has  not  three 
ideas  above  an  oyster,  he  can  still  bawl  "  abolition 
ism  ;"  and  if  you  ask  him  what  an  abolitionist  is, 
he  will  scratch  his  tangled  locks  and  tell  you  that  an 
abolitionist  is  an — an — abolitionist — and  that  is  all 
he  knows  about  it.  Preventing  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  the  Territories  is  one  thing,  and  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists  is 
quite  another  thing.  And  the  man  who  has  not 
sense  enough  to  distinguish  between  them  ought  to 
have  a  guardian  appointed  at  once ;  he  is  incapable 
of  taking  care  of  his  own  business,  or  even  of  keep 
ing  out  of  the  fire.  If  I  were  asked  the  question, 
why  the  republican  party  has  not  a  majority  in 
every  township  in  every  free  State,  I  should  answer 
that  it  is  because  the  republican  idea  of  preventing 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  81 

the  extension  of  slavery  into  the  Territories  and 
preserving  them  to  free  labor,  is  constantly  mixed 
up  by  our  enemies  with  the  other  idea  of  interfer 
ing  with  slavery  in  the  States  and  turning  the  ne 
groes  loose  among  us.  The  body  of  the  people 
recoil  with  instinctive  dread  from  the  emancipation 
of  slaves  in  the  States,  and  the  sudden  inundation 
of  the  ^N"orth  by  masses  of  free  negroes — idle,  igno 
rant,  insolent,  and  barbarous.  And  the  party  that 
can  alarm  their  fears  on  that  subject  makes  a  deep 
impression  on  their  minds.  The  two  ideas  have  no 
connection  with  each  other — are  not  dependent  on 
each  other.  Indeed,  the  majority  of  those  opposed' 
to  the  extension  of  slavery  are  utterly  opposed  to 
immediate  emancipation,  and  believe  that  when 
emancipation  comes,  if  come  it  must,  it  should  be 
a  gradual  work ;  but,  whether  immediate  or  grad 
ual,  a  thing  with  which  they  have  nothing  to  do. 
"When  once  these  two  ideas  are  separated  in  the 
public  mind,  and  the  people  are  fed  with  the  pure 
manna  of  republicanism,  stripped  of  this  demo 
cratic  husk  of  abolition,  we  will  prevail  in  every 
township  in  the  free  States,  and  the  reign  of  sham 
democracy  will  have  ended  forever. 

DEMOCRATIC  PROGRESS. 

It  has  been  the  grand  boast  of  the  democracy 
that  it  was  progressive.  I  love  that  progress  which 
implies  a  growth  of  grace,  an  accession  of  wisdom, 
and  the  trimming  of  our  lamps  by  the  light  of  ex- 


82  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

perience ;  but  the  progress  of  the  democracy  has 
been  from  good  to  evil  principles,  from  light  to 
darkness ;  beginning  with  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  the  Territories  and  its  confinement  to  existing 
limits,  and  ending  with  labors  for  its  universal  em 
pire,  and  seeking  to  unbar  the  gates  which  our 
fathers  erected  to  shut  out  the  horrid  commerce  in 
human  beings  which  comes  across  the  seas.  And  so 
great  has  been  its  progress  that  it  is  now  encamped 
upon  ground  that  our  fathers  regarded  as  accursed, 
from  which  they  recoiled  with  horror.  We  find 
ourselves  debating  the  same  questions  our  fathers 
debated  eighty-five  years  ago.  They  were  then  dis 
cussing  the  right  of  men  to  be  free,  the  superiority 
of  free  society  over  slave  society,  and  of  free  labor 
over  slave  labor.  They  had  for  their  antagonists 
the  British  king  and  the  British  Parliament,  and  we 
have  for  ours  a  party  calling  itself  democratic.  The 
men  of  the  revolution  were  vain  and  short-sighted. 
They  thought  they  had  established  the  claims  of 
liberty  and  put  them  on  such  high  and  indisputable 
grounds  that  no  coming  generation  would  call  them 
in  question.  In  this  they  were  sadly  mistaken. 
The  race  of  little  giants  has  risen  up — latter-day 
saints — who  boldly  assail  every  fortification  and 
rampart  of  liberty  erected  by  the  fathers,  and  pro 
claim  the  doctrine  that  the  first  few  persons  who 
enter  a  Territory  and  get  possession  of  the  Territo 
rial  government  may,  if  they  choose,  make  every 
body  else  slaves ;  that  if  one  man  choose  to  make  a 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  83 

slave  of  another,  and  any  third  man  should  inter 
fere,  that  such  interference  is  unconstitutional  inter 
vention;  that  slavery  is  not  a  question  of  natural 
right,  justice,  or  religion,  but  one  of  climate,  conve 
nience,  and  economy  merely. 

THE  VITALIZING  PRINCIPLE  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

Slavery  is  the  vitalizing  principle  of  the  demo 
cratic  party.  The  seat  of  government  of  that  party 
is  Richmond,  Virginia,  and  its  loyal  provinces  are 
the  slave  States  of  the  Union.  The  small  remains 
of  power  which  it  has  in  the  North  are  precarious 
and  crumbling  to  a  fall,  and  we  look  forward  to  the 
time,  not  deep  in  the  future,  when  it  shall  make  its 
final  exodus  from  all  the  free  States.  The  democ 
racy  of  the  North  are  not  living  for  any  valuable  or 
honorable  purpose.  They  are  fighting  for  a  cause 
which  is  not  their  own,  and  against  their  neighbors, 
friends,  and  their  own  highest,  best  interests. 

THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 

Before  undertaking  to  define  the  present  position 
of  Douglas  and  the  Douglas  democracy,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  consider  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  It 
is  the  key  which  unlocks  their  policy.  A  negro 
named  Dred  Scott  brought  a  suit  in  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  District  of  Mis 
souri,  to  assert  his  freedom  and  the  freedom  of  his 
family.  The  defendant,  Sanford,  who  claimed  to  be 
his  owner,  filed  a  single  plea — a  plea  in  abatement 


84  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court — alleging  that  Bred 
Scott  was  not  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Missouri, 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  because  he 
\vas  born  of  slave  parents  and  had  negro  blood  in 
his  veins.  If  he  was  not  a  citizen  because  of  these 
facts,  then  the  Court  had  no  jurisdiction ;  and  this 
was  the  only  question  pr6perly  before  the  Supreme 
Court ;  but  the  interests  of  slavery  and  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  democratic  party  required  that  the  judi 
cial  mantle  should  be  cast  around  certain  doctrines 
to  make  them  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  The 
Court  went  beyond  the  case  and  outside  of  the 
record,  and  decided,  first,  that  the  Constitution  by 
its  vigor  carried  slavery  into  the  Territories — that 
is,  authorized  the  holding  of  slaves  there  in  the  ab 
sence  of  local  law  creating  slavery ;  secondly,  that 
neither  Congress  nor  the  people  of  a  Territory  had 
any  power  to  exclude  slavery  therefrom ;  thirdly, 
that  .if  the  courts  should  prove  inadequate  to  the 
protection  of  slavery  therein,  it  was  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  intervene  and  furnish  whatever  legisla 
tion  might  be  necessary  for  that  purpose — in  other 
words,  to  provide  a  slave  code.  In  deciding  these 
questions,  the  Court  has  assumed  the  existence  and 
power  of  a  new  sovereignty  that  threatens  to  absorb 
and  annihilate  every  other,  and  to  become  as  for 
midable  an  enemy  to  liberty  as  the  Council  of  Ten 
in  the  Republic  of  Venice.  The  power  thus  assumed 
is  the  exclusive  right  to  interpret  the  Constitution. 
The  Government  was  divided  into  three  depart- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  '   85 

merits — executive,  legislative  and  judicial.  They 
were  intended  to  be  co-ordinate  and  independent, 
that  they  might  check  and  balance  one  another; 
but  by  this  new  theory  the  one  is  made  dictator  to 
the  other  two,  and  the  one  that  is  not  elected  by  the 
people  nor  made  responsible  to  them.  Thus  the 
balance  in  the  Government  is  destroyed,  and  Con 
gress  can  only  exercise  such  powers  as  the  Supreme 
Court  may  graciously  accord  to  it.  Mr.  Jefferson's 
view  was  undoubtedly  correct  when  he  said  that 
"  each  department  is  truly  independent  of  the 
others,  and  has  an  equal  right  to  decide  for  itself 
what  is  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  in  the  cases 
submitted  to  its  action."  General  Jackson  took  the 
same  view  of  the  question  when  he  said  that  he  had 
sworn  to  support  the  Constitution  as  he  understood 
it.  This  court  has  attempted  to  strip  Congress  of 
its  powers,  deny  the  power  of  the  people,  and  con 
vert  the  Constitution  into  a  common  carrier  of 
slavery  into  all  our  national  domain — not  only  into 
our  Territories,  but  into  the  States  also.  To  sum 
up  the  whole  matter,  if  the  doctrines  of  the  Dred 
Scott  decision  shall  come  to  be  regarded  as  the  law 
of  the  land,  there  will  no  longer  be  a  free  State  or 
Territory,  and  this  Republic  of  ours,  once  the  hope 
of  the  world,  will  have  been  converted  into  an 
empire  of  slaves. 


86        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

THE  DOUGLAS  POSITION. 

There  were  two  platforms  presented  at  Charleston ; 
the  one,  brought  forward  by  the  majority  of  the 
committee,  embodied  the  substance  of  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  as  I  have  before  stated  it,  on  the 
s  ubj  ect  of  slavery.  The  other,  presented  by  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Douglas,  reaffirmed  the  Cincinnati  platform, 
with  an  additional  resolution  pledging  the  party  to 
stand  by  the  future  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 
on  the  subject  of  slavery.  This  last  was  not  satis 
factory  to  the  Southern  men,  because  they  claimed 
that  the  question  was  already  decided  in  the  Dred 
Scott  case,  and  they  demanded  of  the  Douglas  men 
that  they  should  pledge  themselves  to  stand  by  that 
decision.  The  Douglas  men  said  if  they  did,  they 
could  not  carry  a  Northern  State.  The  Southern 
men  said  if  they  did  not,  they  could  not  carry  a  South 
ern  State,  and  thus  the  factions  separated,  and  after 
wards  came  together  at  Baltimore.  Mr.  Douglas 
was  finally  nominated  by  the  melancholy  remains 
of  the  original  convention,  and  Mr.  Breckinridge 
by  the  seceders.  Mr.  Breckinridge  was  placed  on 
the  platform  as  reported  by  the  majority  of  the 
committee  at  Charleston;  and  Douglas  upon  the 
platform  of  the  minority,  with  the  addition  of  a 
single  resolution,  which  has  been  appropriately 
termed  the  codicil  to  the  will.  It  is  in  these  words  : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  Cin 
cinnati  platform  that  during  the  existence  of  terri- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  87 

torial  governments,  the  measure  of  restriction, 
whatever  it  may  be,  imposed  by  the  Federal  Consti 
tution  on  the  power  of  the  Territorial  Legislature, 
over  the  subject  of.  domestic  relations,  as  the  same 
has  been  or  shall  hereafter  be  decided  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  should  be 
respected  by  all  good  citizens,  and  enforced  with 
promptness  and  fidelity  by  every  branch  of  the 
General  Government. 

Douglas,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  refers  to,  and 
adopts  this  resolution.  You  perceive  that  it  con 
cedes  all  that  the  South  demands  at  Charleston, — 
that  it  pledges  him  to  stand  by  the  decision  already 
made,  thus  placing  him  on  the  Dred  Scott  platform, 
the  platform  of  extreme  Southern  rights,  along 
side  of  Breckinridge. 

The  difference  between  the  Douglas  and  Breck 
inridge  platform  is  simply  this :  That  in  the  Breck 
inridge  platform,  the  doctrines  of  the  Dred  Scott 
case  are  drawn  out  and  stated  in  clear  and  distinct 
propositions,  while  in  the  Douglas  platform  the 
decision  is  adopted  by  reference,  under  the  hope 
that  the  great  body  of  the  people  would  never  see 
it  and  read  it.  But  his  conversion  to  this  large  body 
of  orthodox  divinity,  comes  too  late  to  save  him  in 
the  South.  Southern  politicians  say  that  it  is  wholly 
unimportant  what  profession  Douglas  may  make  on 
the  Slavery  question,  because  they  believe  him  thor 
oughly  and  utterly  dishonest,  and  incapable  of  being 
trusted  by  the  South  any  more  than  by  the  North. 


88  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

In  his  recent  Southern  speeches,  as  well  as  in  that 
made  at  New  Orleans  some  time  since,  he  admits 
that  slave  property  stands  on  the  same  footing  with 
other  property,  and  may  go  into  the  territories  like 
other  property  under  the  Constitution,  and  requires 
no  local  law  for  its  support.  The  utmost  that  he 
claims  for  the  people  of  a  territory, — is  the  right  to 
regulate  this  property.  This  being  conceded,  all  is 
lost ;  for  when  slave  property  is  put  upon  the  same 
footing  with  other  property,  it  may  not  only  go  into 
the  Territories  in  the  same  way,  but  into  the  States 
also.  Can  the  Legislature  of  Indiana  prevent  a  cit 
izen  of  Kentucky  from  coming  into  this  State, 
bringing  with  him  his  horses,  his  cattle  and  his 
household  goods  ?  Certainly  not ;  and  if  slave  prop 
erty  be  put  upon  the  same  basis,  there  is  no  po\ver 
to  prevent  him  from  bringing  that  also. 

NON-INTERVENTION. 

Notwithstanding  the  position  in  which  Douglas  is 
placed  by  his  platform  and  letter  of  acceptance,  his 
claims  for  the  presidency  are  still  urged  by  his 
friends  upon  the  doctrine  of  non-intervention ;  and 
this,  right  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that  he  is  pledged 
by  his  adoption  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  to  inter 
vention  for  the  protection  of  slavery.  But,  aside 
from  this,  the  cry  of  non-intervention  is  senseless 
and  unmeaning.  What  principle  does  it  affirm  or 
deny  ?  Does  it  affirm  that  the  people  of  the  Terri 
tories  have  the  power  to  exclude  slavery  ?  Does  it 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  89 

deny  that  the  Constitution,  by  it  inherent  power, 
plants  Slavery  in  all  the  Territories  ?  Does  it  affirm 
the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  or  deny  the  doc 
trine  of  universal  salvation  by  Slavery  ?  There  is 
no  more  sense  in  it  than  in  the  parrot's  cry  of 
"pretty  Poll." 

It  is  indeed  but  a  weak  and  wicked  excuse  for 
knowing  nothing  and  doing  nothing  to  prevent  the 
universal  spread  of  the  greatest  of  human  afflictions, 
the  institution  of  Slavery.  They  say  Douglas  is  the 
author.  Not  so.  It  was  first  asserted  by  Cain, 
when  he  denied  to  the  Lord  that  he  was  his  brother's 
keeper.  It  was  afterwards  affirmed  by  the  Levite, 
when  he  walked  by  on  the  other  side  and  left  the 
man  who  had  fallen  among  thieves,  weltering  in 
his  blood.  It  has  always  been  advocated  by  that 
squatter  sovereign, — the  devil, — who  urges  upon  a 
sinful  world  that  they  shall  regulate  their  institu 
tions  in  their  own  way,  irrespective  of  the  statutes 
"enacted  by  the  Almighty.  If  you  ask  a  Douglas 
politician  whether  the  people  of  the  Territories  have 
power  to  exclude  slavery,  he  turns  turtle,  and  draws 
his  head  under  the  shell  of  non-intervention.  If 
you  ask  whether  the  Constitution  carries  slavery 
into  all  the  Northern  domain,  he  turns  parrot  and 
says  non-intervention.  And  I  suppose  that  when 
the  Almighty  shall  call  him  to  his  final  account,  he 
will  put  in  the  plea  of  non-intervention  and  prove 
it  by  a  copy  of  the  Cincinnati  platform. 

8 


90        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

DOUGLAS  THE  PRIEST  AND   APOSTATE. 

Douglas  is  the  great  political  kaleidoscope  of  the 
day.  He  never  appears  twice  in  the  same  figure. 
First  he  came  to  us  as  the  priest  in  full  canonicals, 
and  canonized  the  Missouri  Compromise,  pronounc 
ing  the  curse  of  the  Almighty  upon  the  ruthless 
hand  by  which  it  might  be  destroyed.  We  next 
see  him  in  the  temple  as  the  apostate,  and  with 
"  ruthless  hand "  tearing  down  that  compromise 
and  obliterating  from  the  walls  the  inscriptions  and 
landmarks  of  liberty  which  had  been  placed  there 
by  our  fathers.  AVe  next  see  him  as  the  devotee, 
worshiping  at  the  shrine  of  that  double-headed 
monster,  Squatter  Sovereignty  and  the  Sovereignty 
of  the  Supreme  Court ;  and,  in  one  grand  Satanic 
effort,  upholding  and  vindicating  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  of  the 
Territories.  Of  what  avail  that  his  argument  is 
ingenious  and  his  reason  strong,  if  at  the  same 
time  he  affirms  the  infallibility  of  that  infamous  de 
cree  which  pronounces  his  argument  as  but  a  sound 
ing  brass.  Squatter  Sovereignty  is  a  monstrous 
fungus,  which  he  is  seeking  to  engraft  upon  the 
body  of  the  Constitutionr—  erecting  Territories  into 
States  outside  of  the  Union — making  them  virtually 
independent  governments,  at  liberty  to  join  our 
confederation  or  any  other  that  they  may  choose.  In 
his  speech,  on  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  speak 
ing  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  he  said  he  did  not  care 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  91 

whether  it  he  voted  up  or  voted  down.  I  declare^ 
to  you  that  when  I  first  read  that  speech  I  could 
scarcely  helieve  that  he  had  heen  correctly  reported. 
It  seemed  to  me  that  no  intelligent  man  could  he 
found  who  had  not  some  feeling  or  opinion  on  that 
subject.  Now  the  institution  of  slavery  has  been  the 
source  of  revolutions,  of  national  decay,  and  na 
tional  ruin  in  every  age  and  country  in  which  it 
has  existed,  and  yet  this  democratic  luminary  tells 
the  American  people  that  he  does  not  care  whether 
it  be  voted  up  or  down.  The  conflict  between 
slavery  and  freedom,  which  in  some  form  has  been 
going  on  in  every  age  and  country  in  the  world,  is 
a  matter  about  which  this  philosophic  statesman  is 
so  poorly  informed,  and  cares  so  little  that  he  is 
profoundly  indifferent  upon  which  side  victory  shall 
declare.  Mr.  Douglas  made  this  declaration  to 
prove  to  the  South  that  he  had  no  lingering  senti 
ment  in  favor  of  liberty — no  remaining  partiality  for 
free  institutions — but  he  miscalculated  the  effect. 
It  shocked  the  public  conscience  both  North  and 
South.  It  seemed  unnatural,  improbable,  if  not 
impossible.  You  could  not  see  two  dogs  fighting 
in  the  streets  of  Fort  Wayne  without  taking  sides. 
You  would  be  for  the  white  dog  or  the  black;  and 
if  a  democrat  most  probably  for  the  black. 

Under  this  declaration  the  North  can  not  take 
Mr.  Douglas,  because  he  is  indifferent  to  freedom  ; 
the  South  can  not  take  him  because  he  is  indiffer 
ent  to  slavery.  For,  having  no  principles  upon 


92  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  subject  either  way,  he  would  be  at  liberty  to  serve 
either  party,  or  cheat  either  party  as  his  self-inter 
est  might  dictate.  In  the  debate  between  him  and 
Mr.  Lincoln,  at  Freeport,  Illinois,  in  1858,  Lincoln 
asked  him  in  substance  this  question :  "  Whether  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  by  the  Territorial  author 
ities,  could  exclude  slavery?"  This  put  Douglas 
in  a  tight  place ;  if  he  said  they  could,  he  would 
forfeit  his  last  claim  upon  the  South.  If  he  said 
they  could  not,  he  would  probably  lose  the  State 
of  Illinois  in  the  then  approaching  election.  So 
he  resolved  to  take  a  middle  course.  He  answered, 
that  the  people  might  exclude  slavery  by  "  un 
friendly  legislation  " — that  no  difference  what  the 
Supreme  Court  might  decide  as  to  the  right  of  the 
slaveholder  to  take  his  slaves  into  a  Territory,  and 
hold  them  as  property,  he  could  be  practically  ex 
cluded  therefrom.  He  could  be  annoyed  out  of 
the  Territory,  taxed  out,  or  have  those  police  regu 
lations  withheld  which  might  be  necessary  to  sup 
port  slavery. 

Mr.  Douglas  never  said  a  more  reckless  or  dis 
honest  thing.  If  the  slaveholder  has  the  consti 
tutional  right  to  take  his  slaves  into  the  Territory 
as  property,  he  can  not  be  deprived  of  it  by  indi 
rection  ;  on  the  contrary  he  is  entitled  to  protec 
tion  ;  for  every  man  is  entitled  to  be  protected  in 
the  enjoyment  of  every  constitutional  right.  We 
deny  the  existence  of  the  right ;  but  if  we  concede 
the  right  the  duty  of  protection  follows. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  98 

IMPUDENCE   ON  A  LARGE  SCALE. 

Mr.  Douglas  has  been  distinguished  throughout 
his  public  life  as  an  ultra  free  trade  man.  He  has 
upon  every  occasion  denounced  protection  in  every 
form — he  has  been  more  consistent  upon  that  sub 
ject  than  upon  any  other;  but,  in  a  speech  made 
a  few  days  ago  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  he 
came  out  boldly  for  a  protective  tariff,  declaring 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress  to  protect  the 
coal  and  iron  interests  of  Pennsylvania  ;  that  it  was 
the  improper  intrusion  of  the  slavery  question  into 
Congress  which  had  prevented  consideration  and 
action  upon  the  manufacturing  and  mining  interests 
of  Pennsylvania,  'Now  I  hate  impudence  in  a  small 
way  as  much  as  anybody,  but  in  its  loftier  flights 
and  great  manifestations  it  compels  my  reluctant 
admiration.  Here  is  a  man  who  has  scarcely  spoken 
upon  any  subject  but  slavery  for  six  years,  who  is 
the  author  of  the  present  agitation  upon  that  sub 
ject,  who  by  his  unfortunate  and  wicked  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  has  convulsed  the  nation 
and  brought  it  to  the  verge  of  civil  war,  who  now, 
ignoring  all  this  history  and  all  his  past  life  upon 
the  subject  of  free  trade,  declares  himself  suddenly 
in  favor  of  a  protective  tariff  in  order  to  secure 
tariff  votes  in  Pennsylvania.  Who  now  can  say 
that  Mr.  Douglas  is  honest  ?  To  him  there  is  no 
thing  sacred  in  American  history  nor  in  the  tradi 
tions  of  the  fathers. 


94  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

The  earlier  Presidents  proclaimed  the  maxim 
that  it  was  vulgar  and  demagoguical  for  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency  to  vex  the  ears  of  the  people  with 
petitions  for  their  votes,  to  go  about  the  country 
exhibiting  himself  and  his  political  wares  like  a  com 
mon  mountebank.  Douglas  started  out  on  his 
electioneering  tramp  under  the  filial  pretence  of 
hunting  his  mother.  He  then  went  to  Harvard  to 
get  a  Doctorate,  but  he  did  not  succeed.  Afterward, 
becoming  more  bold  or  more  desperate,  he  threw 
off  all  disguise  and  stood  avowed  as  the  wandering 
and  peripatetic  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

A  NEW  EDITION  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE,  REVISED  AND  CORRECTED  BY  LOCOFOCO,  ESQ., 
LL.  D. 

The  democracy  have  not  only  attempted  to 
remodel  the  Constitution,  transforming  it  from  a 
charter  of  freedom  to  a  black  statute  for  slavery, 
but  they  are  now  engaged  in  the  laudable  occupation 
of  getting  out  a  new  edition  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  greatly  revised  and  improved.  The 
Hon.  Cyrus  L.  Dunham,  a  Douglas  elector  for  the 
State  at  large,  in  a  speech  in  Wayne  county  several 
weeks  ago,  quoted  from  the  new  edition,  and  said 
that  where  the  Declaration  affirmed  that-  all  men 
were  created  equal,  and  endowed  with  certain  ina 
lienable  rights,  it  did  not  mean  all  men,  but  only 
those  of  Saxon  and  Celtic  blood.  This  leaves  the 
German,  the  Swede  and  the  Norwegian  unprovided 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  05 

for.  They  have  no  place  in  the  Declaration,  and  to 
them  the  gospel  of  liberty  is  not  preached.  They 
are  not  among  the  elect,  but  have  been  consigned 
with  the  negro,  to  the  outer  darkness  of  Slavery. 
I  should  like  to  hear  that  gentleman  give  a  con 
struction  to  that  command  of  our  Saviour :  "  Go  ye 
into  all  the  world  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  every 
creature. "  I  presume  he  would  say  that  the  phrase 
"  every  creature, "  comprehended  those  only  of 
Saxon  and  Celtic  blood  ;  and  if  he  were  called  upon 
to  render  the  Lord's  prayer,  would  make  it  read 
thus  :  "  Our  Father  (to-wit  the  father  of  the  Saxon 
and  the  Celt)."  Oh,  with  what  irrepressible  loath 
ing  are  we  compelled  to  meet  and  refute  these 
Satanic  heresies.  If  Jefferson  could  have  looked 
down  the  stream  of  time  and  have  seen  these  supple 
tools  of  Slavery  crawling  across  his  immortal  page 
and  seeking  to  deface  its  inspired  teachings,  he 
would  have  torn  the  manuscript  to  fragments  to 
preserve  it  from  the  defilement,  There  was  a  time 
when  liberty  was  loved  for  her  own  sake,  when 
devotion  to  her  cause  was  not  inspired  by  selfish 
or  economical  considerations ;  when  her  form 
seemed  so  beautiful,  and  her  robes  of  such  spotless 
purity  that  she  provoked  the  idolatry  of  mankind. 
Who  so  stupid  as  not  to  see  that  liberty  is  shorn  of 
her  divine  attributes,  and  becomes  a.  thing  of  merely 
human  invention,  when  she  is  claimed  as  the  inher 
itance  of  a  particular  race,  to  the  rejection  of  others? 
God  gave  to  man  dominion  over  the  earth  and  seas, 


96  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  beasts  of  the  field  and  the  fowls  of  the  air,  but 
not  over  his  fellow  man.  That  he  reserved  to  him 
self;  and  whenever  man  assumes  to  be  the  master  of 
his  fellow,  he  is  usurping  the  prerogative  of  God. 
Our  fathers  did  not  regard  liberty  as  an  arbitrary, 
conventional,  or  constitutional  thing,  but  as  the 
gift  of  every  man  born  into  the  world,  believing 
that  God  was  our  common  Father,  and  the  ruler  of 
us  all,  but  that  every  man  as  between  himself  and 
his  fellow  had  a  right  to  himself,  and  to  eat  in  secu 
rity  and  peace  the  bread  which  his  own  hand  had 
earned.  And  I  will  inquire  now,  in  wdiat  consists 
our  security  that  our  liberties  shall  be  preserved  ? 
Xot  in  these  rich  fields,  not  in  mines,  in  commerce, 
in  material  wealth,  in  navies  nor  in  armies,  nor  yet 
in  paper  constitutions,  but  in  the  conviction  deeply 
seated  in  the  public  conscience,  that  liberty  is  the 
gift  of  God  to  every  man. 

HENDRICKS  AND  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY. 

I  learn  that  Mr.  Hendricks  has  been  here,  and  has 
recited  before  your  people,  his  time-honored  eulogy 
upon  the  services  and  memory  of  the  democratic 
party.  He  is  the  great  democratic  antiquary,  and 
plunges  deeply  into  the  antiquities  of  American 
politics ;  a  sort  of  Old  Mortality,  reviving  the  faded 
inscriptions  upon  democratic  monuments.  He 
delights  to  attribute  all  that  is  glorious  and  useful 
in  the  past  history  of  the  nation, — its  past  progress 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  97 

and  present  power  to  the  services  of  the  democratic 
party.  But  I  am  not  aware  that  he  speaks  of  any 
great  achievement  by  the  party  since  1854, — since 
the  time  it  cast  off  its  old  principles  and  clothed 
itself  with  new  ones.  The  events  to  which  he  refers, 
and  the  good  which  the  party  has  done,  all  occurred 
before  that  time,  But  he  makes  one  singular 
omission,  which  is  even  more  remarkable  in  a  gen 
tleman  so  fair  and  candid  as  he  professes  to  be, 
which  consists  in  failing  to  state  that  the  party  in 
that  golden  age,  while  performing  these  great  and 
glorious  deeds,  stood  upon  republican  ground  in 
regard  to  the  question  of  slavery.  Those  glorious 
achievements, — I  claim  them  all.  They  were  per 
formed  by  men  of  my  faith  and  not  of  his,  by  men 
who  recoil  with  horror  from  his  doctrines.  If  there 
be  any  achievement  of  the  party,  which  he  so 
extols,  of  which  any  honest  man  should  boast  since 
1854,  I  am  ignorant  of  it.  True,  there  is  the  Mor 
mon  war.  I  shall  not  forget  that  short  and  decisive 
campaign  against  the  Mormons, — the  capture  of 
Brigham  Young  by  high  prices  for  his  beef  and 
flour,  and  his  honorable  surrender  upon  having 
everything  his  own  way,  as  in  former  times.  The 
occupation  of  Utah  by  our  troops,  is  the  only  case 
of  genuine,  non-intervention  on  record;  for  the 
army  refused  to  interfere  with  the  Mormons  in  any 
respect,  but  left  them  free  to  regulate  their  domestic 
institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  Brig- 
ham  Young  and  his  forty  wives.  The  fact  is,  the 
9 


98  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

democratic  party  in  times  past  have  done  many  good 
and  glorious  things,  of  which  I  feel  justly  proud, 
and  I  do  now  and  ever  shall  protest  against  this 
inheritance  of  glory  passing  out  of  the  family  to  a 
bastard  issue,  though  it  bear  the  same  name. 

HENDRICKS  AND  THE  SWAMP  LANDS. 

Mr.  Hendricks  read  before  your  hearing,  I  am 
told,  a  brief,  a  very  brief  extract  from  the  report  of 
the  committee  to  investigate  the  swamp  land  frauds, 
tending  to  impeach  the  officers  elected  by  the  peo 
ple's  party,  in  1854,  with  malfeasance  and  corruption 
in  office.  I  must  again  express  my  surprise  that  a 
gentleman  so  distinguished  by  professions  of  candor 
and  fair  dealing  should  have  omitted  to  read  other 
parts  of  that  report  equally  important  and  signifi 
cant.  To  read  one  passage  and  omit  others  bearing 
upon  the  same  point,  is  but  garbling,  and  must 
make  a  false  impression.  Of  course,  Mr.  Hendricks 
did  not  intend  this,  but  it  has  unfortunately  occurred 
the  same  way  in  every  county  where  he  has  been. 
I  will  now  read  the  part  which  he  read.  It  reads 
thus: 

"  In  the  year  1856,  without  the  color  of  law,  and 
in  violation  of  right,  the  then  Auditor  of  State, 
Hiram  E.  Talbott,  directed  the  Auditor  of  Jasper 
county,  to  withhold  from  sale,  a  large  amount  of 
swamp  land  designated  by  him.  The  committee 
are  compelled  to  conclude,  that  this  order  was 
prompted  with  a  view  to  personal  and  private  spec- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  99 

ulation  (see  the  letter  of  the  Auditor  and  the  letter 
of  A.  B.  Conditt,  on  file).  This,  no  doubt,  was  the 
commencement  of  a  system  of  frauds  unheard  of 
before.  A  spirit  of  speculating  in  these  lands  was 
engendered,  and,  in  a  short  time,  there  were  found 
four  separate  companies,  who  selected,  as  they 
termed  it,  and  actually  obtained,  by  the  complicity 
of  the  Swamp  Land  Commissioners,  deeds  for  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty-four  thousand  acres  of  the 
best  of  the  lands  vacant  in  the  county. 

"  [For  the  names  of  the  parties  in  this  scheme  we 
refer  you  to  the  evidence  herewith  filed.] 

"The  deeds  to  these  lands  were  procured  without 
the  shadow  of  law,  from  the  officers  of  State." 

I  will  now  read  another  and  more  lengthy  extract 
from  the  same  report,  closely  following  that  read 
by  Mr.  Hendricks,  and  which  he  unfortunately 
overlooked.  It  reads  thus : 

"  From  the  evidence  in  possession  of  your  com 
mittee,  they  can  not  but  express  their  surprise  that 
Governor  Willard  should  have  appointed  Jacob 
Markle  to  the  responsible  office  of  Swamp  Land 
Commissioner  of  Jasper  county,  soon  after  the  expi 
ration  of  his  term  of  office  as  Treasurer  of  the 
said  county,  notwithstanding  it  was  known  to  his 
Excellency  that  said  Markle  had  been  sued  on  his 
official  bond  as  a  defaulter  to  the  Swamp  Land  Fund, 
in  1855,  which  suit  he  has  compromised  by  giving 
his  notes  with  surety  for  the  sum  of  $23,460  30, 
thus  acknowledging  his  defalcation ;  and  the  greater 


100          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

part  of  these  notes,  though  due,  was  still  outstand 
ing  and  unpaid ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  known 
to  his  Excellency  that  said  Markle  had  again  been 
sued  in  1856,  upon  his  official  bond  as  Swamp  Land 
Treasurer,  for  a  further  defalcation  of  $14,000  to 
the  Swamp  Land  Fund,  as  certified  by  the  Auditor 
of  State ;  and  that,  in  1857,  judgment  was  obtained 
against  him  in  another  suit  upon  his  official  bond 
as  County  Treasurer,  to  the  amount  of  $1,000  for 
State  revenue,  and  that  was  then  and  still  is  pend 
ing  against  him,  upon  his  official  bond,  for  defalca 
tion  of  county  revenue,  and  had  not,  at  the  date  of 
his  appointment  as  said  commissioner,  and  still  has 
not  settled  with  the  Auditor  and  Treasurer  of  State 
or  County  Commissioners,  for  either  State,  swamp 
land  or  county  revenues ;  and  notwithstanding  it 
was  known  to  his  Excellency,  that  by  Sec.  10  of 
Art.  2,  of  the  Constitution  of  Indiana,  said  Markle 
was  wholly  *  ineligible  to  any  office  of  trust  or 
profit,'  and  that  by  an  act  of  the  legislature,  ap 
proved  March  1, 1855  (see  Acts,  1855,  page  85),  he 
was  guilty  of  felony.  Still,  with  a  full  knowledge 
of  all  these  disqualifications  and  disabilities,  he 
(Markle)  was  appointed  and  invested,  by  his  Excel 
lency,  with  the  duties  of  this  important  and  respons 
ible  office,  for  the  performance  of  which  he  is  not 
required  to  give  any  bond.  In  view  of  these  facts, 
your  committee  would  recommend  that  his  Excel 
lency  be  respectfully  requested  to  remove  Mr.  Markle 
from  said  office." 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  I».  MORTON.  101 

There  are  good  and  bad  men.  in' 'all' parties, 
churches,  orders,  and  organizations.  If  we  should 
expect  to  find  absolute  purity  in  any  of  them  we 
should  be  very  much  disappointed.  The  true  test 
as  to  whether  any  church,  party  or  organization  of 
men  is  honest  is  found  in  the  fact  that  when  they 
find  an  offender  or  scoundrel  in  their  ranks  they 
will  punish  or  expel  him.  If,  upon  discovery,  it  lop 
off  the  rotten  member  and  put  away  the  uncleanli- 
ness,  it  vindicates  its  character  as  an  honest  church, 
party,  or  organization.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
defend  the  criminal,  palliate  his  guilt,  and  shield 
him  from  punishment,  then  its  members  become 
partners  in  his  crime,  alike  corrupt  and  deserving 
of  the  condemnation  of  all  men.  Let  us  apply  this 
principle,  so  plain  and  simple.  At  the  last  session 
of  the  legislature,  the  republican  members  of  the 
house  brought  forward  a  bill  which  contained  a 
provision  instructing  the  county  commissioners,  in 
which  the  swamp  lands  were  situated,  out  of  which 
the  State  had  been  swindled,  to  bring  suit  to  re 
cover  back  the  lands.  This  could  easily  have  been 
done.  The  frauds  in  most  cases  were  patent,  and 
the  lands  were  nearly  all  in  the  hands  of  original 
holders,  for  they  could  not  sell  them  owing  to  the 
cloud  that  hung  over  the  title.  The  investigations 
growing  out  of  these  suits  would  have  shown  who 
were  the  swindlers,  and  would  have  located  the 
fraud  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  right  party.  Ev 
ery  democratic  member  of  the  house  voted  against 


102          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

this  bill.  When  it  was  before  the  house  for  con 
sideration  the  lobby  swarmed  with  leading  demo 
crats,  urging  the  democratic  members  of  the  house 
to  defeat  the  bill  by  any  means  whatever ;  and 
when  afterward,  in  another  form,  this  provision 
was  about  to  become  a  law — there  being  a  major 
ity  for  it — the  democratic  members  of  the  house 
defeated  its  passage  by  breaking  the  quorum,  and 
thus  effectually  staving  off  the  investigation.  I 
might  conclude  my  remarks  upon  this  subject  by 
again  expressing  my  surprise,  that  Mr.  Hendricks 
should  have  omitted  a  statement  of  these  facts,  so 
important  to  a  correct  understanding  of  the  swamp 
land  affairs. 

THE  Two  NATIONAL  EXCLUSIVE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTIES. 

"We  have  now  two  parties,  each  claiming  to  be 
the  sole,  exclusive,  national  democratic  party.  They 
are  quarreling  about  a  name  to  which  neither  has 
the  slightest  title.  Mr.  Buchanan  said,  many  years 
ago,  that  if  he  had  a  drop  of  democratic  blood  in 
his  veins  he  would  let  it  out.  Since  he  has  been 
elected  President,  he  has  let  out  the  last  drop  from 
the  veins  of  his  party,  and  there  is  nothing  now 
left  to  quarrel  over  but  a  decaying  or  putrefying 
carcass,  and  the  republicans  have  the  unpleasant 
job  of  hauling  this  carcass  out  on  the  common. 
These  two  opposing  parties  or  factions  are  calling 
each  other  all  manner  of  hard  names,  and  charge 
each  other  with  all  manner  of  iniquities,  and  as 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON  103 

their  means  of  knowledge  are  excellent  it  would  be 
indelicate  in  us  to  contradict  them.  For  example, 
the  Douglas  men  call  the  Breckinridge  men  fire- 
eating  disunionists,  slave  code  interventionists,  bolt 
ers  from  the  democratic  party,  and  pronounce  upon 
them  that  terrible  curse  which  is  intended,  to  con 
sume  them  in  all  their  parts.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Breckinridge  men  call  the  Douglasites  the  half- 
breeds,  the  mulatto  democracy ;  in  common  par 
lance  "  neither  pig  nor  pup,"  being  a  vulgar  cross 
between  the  rearing  followers  of  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  and  the  fire-eating  satellites  of  John  C. 
Calhoun,  a  dissolute  gang  of  political  desperadoes 
without  a  principle  and  without  a  hope.  It  is  not 
necessary  for  us  to  pass  judgment  upon  the  justice 
of  these  encomiums.  The  Breckinridge  men  claim 
that  Breckinridge  is  the  regular  democratic  candi 
date,  because  he  was  nominated  by  the  democratic 
States  and  represents  the  sentiment  of  the  party 
where  it  is  in  power.  On  the  other  hand,  the  small 
handful  of  democrats  in  Massachusetts,  hardly 
enough  to  fill  the  offices,  claim  the  privilege  of 
nominating  a  candidate  for  the  democratic  State 
of  Virginia.  The  democracy  of  the  hopelessly 
republican  States  say  they  ought  to  be  allowed  to 
nominate  the  candidate  inasmuch  as  they  can  not 
elect  one.  But  the  unwashed  democracy  of  the 
South  say  that  if  they  have  to  do  the  electing 
they  want  to  do  the  nominating  too — a  very  ab 
surd  demand  indeed.  The  fact  is  the  nomination 


104        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  Douglas  was  brought  about  chiefly  by  the  vote 
of  States  which  he  had  no  earthly  hope  of  carrying. 

THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  J.  B. 

-In  1852  Pierce  came  into  office  by  a  large  major 
ity  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  four 
years  afterward  retired,  I  believe  by  universal  con 
sent.  The  present  administration  has  forfeited  the 
respect  and  esteem  of  men  of  all  parties.  It  has 
been  distinguished  by  a  treachery  and  corruption 
that  have  disgusted  even  the  democracy;  from 
which  it  may  be  argued  that  they  are  very  great. 
Old  Buck's  bachelor  life  will  be  a  type  of  his  ad 
ministration,  for  it  will  leave  behind  it  no  fruit  that 
he  will  care  to  own  and  no  one  to  drop  a  tear  to 
his  memory.  He  has  cleared  at  a  single  bound  the 
gulf  which  separates  freedom  from  slavery,  which 
his  party  has  been  so  laboriously  trying  to  bridge 
for  many  years.  Douglas  is  the  architect  of  this 
patent,  suspension,  squatter  sovereignty  bridge; 
but  old  Buck,  spurning  the  rickety  fabric,  leaped 
at  once  nimbly  to  the  other  side  of  Jordan.  Under 
this  administration,  defalcation,  bribery,  and  ex 
travagance  are  no  longer  compelled  to  conceal 
themselves  from  the  public  eye,  but  stalk  abroad 
like  the  pestilence  at  noonday,  tainting  the  whole 
moral  atmosphere,  and  telling  of  the  near  presence 
of  putrefaction  and  decay.  You  are  familiar  with 
the  history  of  those  defaulting  martyrs,  Price  and 
Swartwout.  Well,  the  blood  of  these  martyrs  has 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  105 

become  the  seed  of  the  modern  democratic  church, 
which  having  been  sown  upon  good  ground  has 
produced  considerably  more  than  a  hundred  fold. 
The  cry  for  reform  is  heard  throughout  the  land. 
Thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  men  who 
are  opposed  to  us  on  the  slavery  question,  are  de 
manding  a  change  in  the  administration,  and  they 
say  they  will  welcome  any  change,  for  things  can 
not  be  worse  and  may  be  better.  They  are  appre 
hensive  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Government  from 
sheer  rottenness,  believing  that  where  all  the  chan 
nels  of  authority  are  tainted  and  choked  by  cor 
ruption,  where  all  the  powers  of  the  administration 
are  exerted  for  individual  aggrandizement,  to  the 
ruin  of  the  greatest  public  interests,  the  end  will 
speedily  come. 

HONEST  OLD  ABE. 

We  have  presented  to  the  country  as  our  candi 
date  for  the.  Presidency,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illi 
nois,  better  known  as  Honest  Old  Abe.  What  a 
title  that  is!  It  carries  him  right  to  the  people 
without  a  formal  introduction.  It  is  a  title  of  which 
he  should  be  more  proud  than  of  all  the  thirteen 
so  gaudily  worn  by  the  Prince  of  Wales  now  visit 
ing  our  shores.  It  has  become  somewhat  fashiona 
ble  with  Douglas  politicians  to  depreciate  his 
intellectual  qualifications.  To  show  how  unbe 
coming  and  improper  it  is  for  any  friend  of  Mr. 
Douglas  to  attempt  to  impeach  his  ability,  we  have 


I 

106          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

but  to  refer  to  the  joint  debates  between  them  in 
Illinois  in  1858.  These  discussions  were  reported 
at  the  time,  word  for  word,  and  have  been  since 
republished  by  the  republican  party,  in  book  form, 
without  change  or  comment,  and  circulated  as  a 
campaign  document.  No  intelligent  man  can  read 
these  debates  without  being  satisfied  that  Lincoln 
is  the  superior  of  Douglas  in  a  knowledge  of  the 
history  and  principles  of  the  Government,  and  in 
logic,  and  overwhelmed  him  at  every  point.  He 
proved  himself  also  the  superior  in  good  manners, 
for  while  Douglas  was  frequently  rude,  personal, 
and  offensive,  Old  Abe  was  always  in  a  good  hu 
mor  ;  and  the  madder  Douglas  the  merrier  was  Abe. 
The  fact  is,  if  any  man  can  read  these  debates  in 
their  order,  beginning  with  the  speech  of  Douglas, 
then  taking  the  speech  of  Lincoln,  and  so  on 
through  without  becoming  a  republican,  I  give  him 
over  to  reprobacy  of  mind  and  hardness  of  heart. 
Notwithstanding  Lincoln's  great  mental  ability,  he 
has  other  qualities  which  I  admire  still  more.  He 
is  an  honest  man — "  The  noblest  work  of  God." 
He  possesses  that  rare  and  sterling  integrity  that 
secures  the  love  of  all  who  know  him  and  places 
him,  like  Csesar's  wife,  above  suspicion.  There  is 
that  in  his  character  that  causes  the  shafts  of  false 
hood  and  malice  to  fall  harmless  at  his  feet.  The 
truth  is  his  enemies  have  not  had  the  courage  to  do 
any  considerable  amount  of  lying  about  him.  They 
have  told  a  few  small  ones,  but  have  in  nowise  pre- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  107 

judiced  his  cause.  They  first  said  that  he  had  voted 
in  Congress  against  supplies  to  our  army  while  in 
Mexico,  hut  it  turned  out  upon  examination  that  he 
was  not  in  Congress  at  that  time.  So  that  story 
fell  to  the  ground.  They  then  said  he  had  voted 
against  bounties  to  the  soldiers  and  the  widows  of 
soldiers  who  had  served  in  the  Mexican  campaign, 
hut  it  turned  out  that  he  had  always  voted  for  the 
largest  proposition  of  that  kind,  though  he  had  re 
fused  to  vote  that  the  war  was  rightly  commenced. 
The  last  story  I  have  heard  of  was  that  he  had  kept 
a  grocery  while  a  young  man.  The  story  was  im 
mediately  proven  to  be  untrue ;  but  the  absurdity 
of  the  democratic  party  urging  that  as  an  objection 
to  any  man,  became  so  manifest  that  they  laughed 
at  it  themselves  and  let  it  drop.  He  is  the  child  of 
labor.  His  boyhood  and  early  manhood  were  spent 
in  honest  toil  in  forest  and  in  field,  and  he  is  thus 
pre-eminently  qualified  to  be  the  candidate  of  the 
republican  party  at  a  time  when  free  labor  and  slave 
labor  are  brought  in  conflict  face  to  face.  He  is  in 
his  own  person  the  representation  of  free  labor,  and 
what  it  can  do  in  ennobling  and  dignifying  the  hu 
man  character.  His  hands,  like  yours,  have  been 
hardened  with  toil,  and  his  brow  has  dripped  with 
the  perspiration  of  honest  labor.  If,  by  your  hon 
est  industry  and  toil,  you  have  acquired  a  home  and 
a  competence,  Old  Abe  can  sympathise  with  you. 
He  knows  just  how  you  came  by  it. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  again  state  the  issue.     If 


108    LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

you  believe  slavery  to  be  a  good  thing,  and  that  it 
should  be  universally  extended,  that  slave  labor  is 
better  than  free  labor,  then  vote  the  democratic 
ticket  and  you  will  vote  your  sentiments.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  you  believe  that  freedom  is  better 
than  slavery — that  the  Territories  should  be  pre 
served  for  free  men  and  free  labor — that  freedom 
should  be  national  and  slavery  local  and  sectional, 
then  vote  the  republican  ticket  and  you  will  vote 
your  sentiments,  and  do  your  duty  to  your  country 
and  your  God! 

In  this  speech  some  things  are  repeated  which 
were  said  at  Terre  Haute,  but  there  are  enough  new 
points  in  it  to  make  it  well  worth  a  perusal.  Under 
the  head,  "  Historical  Facts,"  is  found  a  brief  pre 
sentation  of  political  and  legislative  precedents, 
pointing  clearly  to  the  republican  doctrine  as 
expounded  in  this  and  the  Terre  Haute  speech,  as 
the  policy  of  the  fathers,  as  the  creed  of  all  parties 
previous  to  1854. 

The  masterly  review  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision, 
and  the  exposition  of  the  inconsistencies  of  certain 
democratic  leaders,  show  how  thoroughly  the  dem 
ocratic  party  had  become  corrupted  by  Southern 
slaveholders ;  how  it  had  been  converted  into  a  pro- 
slavery  engine  for  the  purpose  of  nationalizing  and 
spreading  an  institution  which  had  been  regarded 
by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  and  by  the 
democracy  up  to  the  year  1849,  as  purely  local  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  109 

only  capable  of  existing  by  positive  municipal 
enactments. 

This  truly  great  speech  was  published  not  only 
by  the  republican  papers  of  Indiana,  but  by  those 
of  many  other  States,  which  fact  goes  to  show  that 
Morton  was  regarded  as  the  great  expounder  of 
republican  doctrine. 

Some  few  there  were,  as  Mr.  Julian  of  Indiana, 
who  thought  Morton's  exposition  of  republicanism 
too  conservative  and  not  in  accordance  with  the 
true  faith;  but  the  majority  of  the  leaders  of  the 
republican  party,  and  the  great  republican  masses 
of  the  North-west,  indorsed  nothing  more  radical 
than  is  contained  in  his  speeches ;  and  the  numer 
ous  efforts  made  by  certain  prominent  individuals 
to  destroy  Morton's  influence  and  depose  him  from 
his  position  as  the  acknowledged  leader  of  hia 
party  in  his  State  were  all  fruitless. 

Morton  was  no  less  an  enemy  of  slavery  than 
those  radicals  who  demanded  its  immediate  and 
unconditional  abolition,  but  he  knew  that  reform 
was  never  promoted  by  attempting  to  push  it  in 
advance  of  the  intelligence  of  the  people  ;  that  in 
order  to  successfully  carry  forward  a  great  social 
or  political  enterprise,  society  must  be  taken  as  it 
is.  His  talents  being  no  less  practical  than  bril 
liant,  he  displayed  in  all  his  political  operations  that 
disposition  and  capacity  to  adapt  means  to  ends, 
which  marks  the  career  of  every  successful  re 
former.  And  the  fact  that  his  democratic  oppo- 


110         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

nents  feared  him  more  than  almost  any  other 
advocate  of  republicanism,  and  were  never  able  to 
successfully  meet  his  arguments,  shows  that  his 
views  of  the  course  which  should  be  pursued  by 
his  party  were  correct,  and  that  his  plans  were  of 
the  most  efficient  character. 

But  his  remarks  in  this  speech  under  the  head, 
"  A  new  edition  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  revised  and  corrected,"  etc.,  etc.,  show  that 
he  was  looking  forward  to  the  day  when  the  peo 
ple  would  be  educated  up  to  that  point  where  they 
would  see,  as  expressed  by  a  distinguished  demo 
crat  of  Missouri,  in  1863,  "that  the  institution  of 
slavery  is  an  enemy  to  constitutional  liberty,"  and 
that  it  is  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  a 
republic. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  Ill 


CHAPTER  V. 

Close  of  canvass  of  1860 — Commencement  of  the  Rebellion- 
Morton's  speech  before  republican  meeting  at  Indianapolis, 
November  22d,  1860. 

The  political  campaign  of  1860  closed  with  the 
success  of  the  entire  republican  ticket.  All  the 
Northern  States  gave  large  republican  majorities, 
and  Abraham  Lincoln  was  called  to  administer  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  The  South 
having  long  matured  the  scheme  of  rebellion, 
made  this  success  the  pretext  for  attempting  to  dis 
member  the  republic.  The  news  of  the  election 
of  Lincoln  had  scarcely  reached  the  city  of  Charles 
ton  before  the  citizens  of  that  place,  with  their 
hats  adorned  with  revolutionary  cockades,  went 
shouting  through  the  streets,  "  The  Union  is  dis 
solved  ;  the  South  is  free !"  Soon  it  was  announced 
that  a  convention  would  be  called  in  South  Caro 
lina,  with  a  view  to  passing  an  ordinance  of  seces 
sion.  The  gloom  which  overcast  the  souls  of  the 
people  of  the  North,  upon  the  reception  of  this 
intelligence,  clouded  all  brows,  saddened  all  hearts. 
Almost  every  species  of  business  was  checked,  all 
the  ordinary  interests  of  life  nagged,  and  one  great 
all-absorbing  question  overshadowed  every  other : 
How  shall  the  UNION  be  preserved  ? 


112    LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

To  this  question  two  answers  were  given;  viz., 
1,  by  force  of  arms ;  2,  by  conciliatory  measures. 

While  the  country  was  very  much  divided,  and 
many  were  clamoring  for  compromise,  and  even 
some  prominent  republicans  favored  a  peace  policy 
and  said,  "  Let  the  South  go  without  bloodshed," 
Morton  took  a  bold,  firm  stand  in  favor  of  vigorous 
measures,  and  the  preservation  of  the  country  as  a 
whole,  if  need  be  by  force  of  arms. 

Shortly  after  the  election  of  Lincoln  the  repub 
licans  of  Indianapolis  met  to  rejoice  over  the 
success  of  their  ticket,  and  give  some  general 
expression  of  their  views  respecting  the  condition 
of  the  country. 

The  able,  statesmanlike  speech  here  presented, 
shows  the  position  taken  by  Oliver  P.  Morton  at 
that  early  stage  of  the  rebellion.  The  arguments 
contained  in  it  in  favor  of  a  vigorous  policy  and 
against  the  idea  of  a  peaceable  separation  are  unan 
swerable. 

Upon  coming  before  the  audience  Mr.  Morton 
said: 

We  hear  much  said  against  the  policy  of  coercing 
South  Carolina  in  case  she  attempts  to  secede. 

What  is  coercion  but  the  enforcement  of  the  law  ? 
Is  anything  else  intended  or  required?  Secession  or 
nullification  can  only  be  regarded  by  the  General 
government  as  individual  action  upon  individual 
responsibility.  Those  Concerned  in  it  can  not 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  113 

intrench  themselves  behind  the  forms  of  the  State 
government  so  as  to  give  their  conduct  the  sem 
blance  of  legality,  and  thus  devolve  the  responsibility 
upon  the  State  government,  which  of  itself  is  irre 
sponsible. 

The  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
operate  upon  individuals,  but  not  upon  States,  and 
precisely  as  if  there  were  no  States. 

In  this  matter  the  President  has  no  discretion. 
He  has  taken  a  solemn  oath  to  enforce  the  laws  and 
preserve  order,  and  to  this  end  he  has  been  made 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy.  How 
can  he  be  absolved  from  responsibility  thus  devolved 
upon  him  by  the  Constitution  and  his  official  oath? 
Can  it  be  done  by  the  resolutions  of  conventions, 
the  advice  of  the  newspapers,  or  even  a  decided  pre 
ponderance  of  public  opinion  ? 

There  is  but  one  way  in  which  the  President  can 
be  absolved  from  his  duty  to  exert  all  the  power 
reposed  in  his  hands  by  the  Constitution  to  enforce 
the  laws  in  South  Carolina,  which  is  by  acknow 
ledging  her  independence.  The  Constitution  pro 
vides  that  Congress  may  admit  new  States  into  the 
Union,  but  there  is  no  provision  for  turning  one  out 
or  permitting  one  to  go  out.  A  State  once  admit 
ted  into  the  Union,  becomes  a  part  of  the  body  of 
the  nation,  and  severance  or  secession  is  not  con 
templated  by  the  Constitution  as  permissible  or 
possible. 

If  Congress  possess  the  power  to  acknowledge 
10 


114          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  independence  of  a  State  and  thus  to  place  it 
without  the  pale  of  the  Union,  it  must  result  from 
an  inexorable  necessity  produced  by  a  successful 
revolution.  While  a  State  is  in  the  Union,  there  is 
no  power  under  the  Constitution  for  the  General 
and  State  governments  to  enter  into  negotiations 
and  to  treat  with  each  other.  No  Government  pos 
sesses  the  constitutional  power  to  dismember  itself. 
If  the  power  does  exist  in  this  Government  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  South  Carolina, 
or  any  other  State,  it  can  only  be  exercised  by  an 
act  of  Congress.  The  President,  of  himself,  would 
not  possess  it,  and  consequently,  until  released  from 
his  duty  by  such  acknowledgments,  he  must  exert 
his  power  to  enforce  the  laws. 

WHAT  is  THE  DUTY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  ? 

If  an  attempt  at  secession  be  made,  there  is  but 
one  of  two  courses  to  be  pursued.  Either  to  allow 
the  seceding  State  peaceably  to  go  and  set  up  for 
herself  as  an  independent  government,  or  else  by 
the  police  or  military  power  of  the  United  States 
compel  an  observance  of  the  laws  and  submission  to 
constitutional  obligations. 

Let  us  consider  what  would  be  the  consequence 
of  adopting  tlie  former  course.  If  we  allow  a  State 
peaceably  to  secede,  we  thereby  concede  the  right  in 
the  most  substantial  and  solemn  manner.  It  would 
be  sheer  nonsense  to  allow  a  State,  especially  a  weak 
pne  like  South  Carolina,  to  secede,  and  yet  deny 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  115 

the  right  of  secession  ;  and  that  other  States  may 
not  retire  in  the  same  manner  whenever  they  see 
proper.  We  can  not,  therefore,  allow  South  Caro 
lina  to  secede  without  conceding  the  right  and 
thereby  settling  the  principle  as  to  the  remaining 
States.  The  right  of  secession  conceded,  the  nation 
is  dissolved.  Instead  of  having  a  nation, — one 
mighty  people, — we  have  but  a  collection  and  com 
bination  of  thirty-three  independent  and  petty 
States,  held  together  by  a  treaty  which  has  hitherto 
been  called  a  Constitution,  of  the  infraction  of 
which  each  State  is  to  be  the  judge,  and  from  which 
any  State  may  withdraw  at  pleasure. 

It  would  not  be  twelve  months  until  a  project  of  a 
Pacific  Empire  would  be  set  on  foot.  California  and 
Oregon,  being  each  sovereign  and  independent,  would 
have  a  right  to  withdraw  from  their  present  part 
nership  and  form  a  new  one,  or  form  two  separate 
nations.  In  doing  so  they  would  act  with  a  far 
greater  show  of  reason  and  a  far  better  prospect  of 
success  than  South  Carolina.  They  are  separated 
from  the  other  States  by  thousands  of  miles  of  bar 
ren  plains  and  snow  clad  mountains. 

Their  commerce  is  naturally  with  the  East  Indies 
and  the  Isles  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  tie  of  com 
mercial  interests  between  them  and  the  other  States 
is  weaker  than  that  which  binds  together  any  other 
section  of  the  Republic. 

The  right  to  secede  conceded  and  the  way  to  do  it 
having  been  shown  to  be  safe  and  easy, — the  pres- 


116          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

tige  of  the  Republic  gone, — the  national  pride 
extinguished  with  the  national  idea, — secession 
would  become  the  remedy  for  every  State  or  sec 
tional  grievance,  real  or  imaginary.  And  in  a  few 
short  years  we  should  witness  the  total  dissolution 
of  that  mighty  Republic  which  has  been  the  hope 
and  the  glory  of  the  world.  We  should  then  have 
before  us  the  prospect  presented  in  the  history  of 
the  petty  States  of  Greece,  Italy  and  the  principali 
ties  of  Germany. 

Need  I  stop  to  argue  the  political,  intellectual, 
social  and  commercial  death  involved  in  this  wreck 
and  ruin  ?  We  must  then  cling  to  the  idea  that  we 
are  a  nation,  one  and  indivisible,  and  that  although 
subdivided  by  State  lines  for  local  and  domestic 
purposes,  we  are  but  one  people,  the  citizens  of  a 
common  country,  having  like  institutions  and  man 
ners,  and  possessing  a  common  interest  in  that 
inheritance  of  glory  so  richly  provided  by  our 
fathers.  We  must  therefore  do  no  act, — we  must 
tolerate  no  act, — we  must  concede  no  idea  or  theory 
that  looks  to  or  involves  the  dismemberment  of  the 
nation.  And  especially  must  we  of  the  inland 
States  cling  to  the  national  idea. 

If  South  Carolina  may  secede  peaceably,  so  may 
New  York,  Massachusetts,  Maryland,  and  Louisiana, 
cutting  off  our  commerce  and  destroying  our  right 
of  way  to  the  Ocean.  We  would  thus  be  shut  up 
in  the  interior  of  a  continent,  surrounded  by  inde 
pendent,  perhaps  hostile  nations,  through  whose  ter- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  117 

ritories  we  could  obtain  egress  to  the  sea-board  only 
upon  such  terms  as  might  be  agreed  to  by  treaty. 
Emigrants  from  foreign  lands  could  only  reach  us 
by  permission  of  our  neighbors,  and  we  could  not 
reach  any  Atlantic  port  except  by  passports  duly 
visSd.  In  such  a  condition  of  affairs  the  sea-board 
States  would  possess  immense  advantages,  which 
may  be  illustrated  and  understood  by  comparing  the 
wealth,  prosperity  and  power  of  the  sea-board 
kingdoms,  with  those  shut  up  in  the  interior  of 
Europe.  Can  it  be  possible  then  that  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Arkansas,  Missouri  or  Mississippi,  can 
ever  become  so  infatuated,  so  utterly  demented,  as 
to  subscribe  to  the  doctrine  that  a  State  has  the 
right  to  secede,  thereby  placing  the  existence  of 
their  commerce,  their  peculiar  institution,  their 
everything,  within  the  power  of  Louisiana,  com 
manding,  as  she  does,  the  outlet  of  the  Mississippi 
and  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf.  As  the  matter  now 
stands,  the  portof  New  York  is  the  property  of  the  na 
tion,  held  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  States,  the  revenue 
there  collected  being  disbursed  for  the  benefit  of  all. 
But  we  are  told  that  if  we  use  force  to  compel 
submission  to  the  laws  in  South  Carolina,  it  will  so 
excite  and  exasperate  the  other  slave  States,  as  to 
lead  them  to  make  common  cause  with  her.  I  am 
not  willing  to  believe  that  this  treason  is  so  widely 
spread,  and  that  sympathy  with  South  Carolina 
traitors  will  be  stronger  than  devotion  to  the  Union. 
Should  such  be  the  case,  however,  it  should  not,  in 


118         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

my  judgment,  change  the  course  we  ought  to  pur 
sue.  If  the  people  of  the  other  Southern  States 
will  not  permit  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  in  South 
Carolina,  it  would  be  evidence  that  they  were  intend 
ing  to  follow  her  example  at  their  own  convenience. 
If  they  intend  to  stay  in  the  Union,  and  adhere  to 
its  fortunes,  they  will  thrust  no  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  the  General  government  to  prevent  its  compel 
ling  obedience  to  the  laws.  Mere  caprice  and  pride 
will  not  determine  their  action  in  a  matter  so 
momentous,  involving  the  destinies  of  millions  for 
all  time.  But  if  such  is  their  purpose,  and  such  the 
condition  of  public  sentiment,  we  can  not  know  the 
fact  too  soon,  that  we  may  prepare  for  the  worst.  I 
am  not  willing  to  believe  that  the  bad  example  of 
South  Carolina  would  be  followed  by  any  other 
States, — certainly  by  not  more  than  one  or  two. 

If  South  Carolina  gets  out  of  the  Union,  I  trust 
it  will  be  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  after  our  best 
efforts  have  failed  to  compel  her  to  submission  to 
the  laws.  Better  concede  her  independence  to 
force,  to  revolution,  than  to  right  and  principle. 
Such  a  concession  can  not  be  drawn  into  precedent 
and  construed  into  an  admission  that  we  are  but  a 
combination  of  petty  States,  any  one  of  which  has 
a  right  to  secede  and  set  up  for  herself  whenever  it 
suits  her  temper,  or  views  of  her  peculiar  interest. 
Such  a  contest,  let  it  terminate  as  it  may,  would  be 
a  declaration  to  the  other  States  of  the  only  terms 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  119 

upon  which  they  would  be  permitted  to  withdraw 
from  the  Union. 

The  lopping  off  of  South  Carolina  by  the  sword 
of  revolution,  would  not  disturb  the  unity  of  the 
balance  of  the  nation ;  but  would  simply  be  a 
diminution  from  its  aggregate  power  to  the  extent 
of  her  resources  and  population.  Notwithstand 
ing  the  American  revolution  terminated  so  disas 
trously  to  the  British  Government,  after  an  enor 
mous  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure,  accompan 
ied  by  such  humiliation  of  the  national  pride,  still 
it  preserved  the  integrity  of  the  remaining  portion 
of  the  empire.  Had  our  claims  to  independence  been 
at  once  recognized  and  conceded  by  the  mother 
country,  and  the  thirteen  colonies  peaceably  allowed 
to  constitute  a  separate  government,  and  take  their 
place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  an  example 
would  have  been  set  and  an  admission  made  of 
which  every  colony,  island  and  dependency  of  the 
empire  would  have  speedily  claimed  the  benefit. 
The  Canadas,  the  East  and  West  Indies  and  Aus 
tralia  would,  in  turn,  point  to  this  epoch  in  British 
history  as  a  palpable  and  unconditional  avowal  of 
the  doctrine  that  they  had  the  right  under  the  Brit 
ish  constitution  at  any  time  peaceably  to  terminate 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown,  and  secede  from  the 
empire.  An  admission  of  the  existence  of  a  right 
so  made,  could  it  be  retracted  at  all,  could  only  be 
at  the  end  of  .numerous  civil  and  bloody  wars. 

Shall  we  now    surrender   the  nation  without  a 


120          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

struggle  and  let  the  Union  go  with  merely  a  few 
hard  words?  Shall  we  encourage  faint-hearted 
traitors  to  pursue  their  treason,  by  advising  them 
in  advance  that  it  would  be  safe  and  successful  ? 
If  it  was  worth  a  bloody  struggle  to  establish  this 
nation,  it  is  worth  one  to  preserve  it;  and  I  trust 
that  we  shall  not,  by  surrendering  with  indecent 
haste,  publish  to  the  world  that  the  inheritance 
our  fathers  purchased  with  their  blood  we  have 
given  up  to  save  ours. 

Seven  years  is  but  a  day  in  the  life  of  a  nation, 
and  I  would  rather  come  out  of  a  struggle  at  the 
end  of  that  time,  defeated  in  arms  and  conceding 
independence  to  successful  revolution,  than  to  pur 
chase  present  peace  by  the  concession  of  a  princi 
ple  that  must  inevitably  explode  this  nation  into 
small  and  dishonored  fragments. 

But  of  the  result  of  such  a  struggle  I  should 
entertain  the  utmost  hope  and  confidence. 

He  who  compares  our  glorious  war  for  liberty 
and  independence  against  grinding  oppression,  to 
another  war  to  be  set  on  foot  for  the  propagation 
of  human  slavery,  to  crush  out  liberty  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  and  to  inaugurate  and  revive, 
with  all  its  untold  and  indescribable  horrors,  the 
African  slave  trade,  must  have  an  indifferent  idea 
of  the  justice  of  that  Providence  who  holds  in  his 
hands  the  issue  of  battle.  To  employ  the  language 
of  a  great  statesman,  "  Surely  the  Almighty  has  no 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  121 

attribute  that  could  take  sides  with  rebels  in  such 
a  contest." 

I  will  not  stop  to  argue  the  right  of  secession. 
The  whole  question  is  summed  up  in  this  proposi 
tion  :  "  Are  we  one  nation,  one  people,  or  thirty- 
three  nations,  or  thirty-three  independent  and 
petty  States?"  The  statement  of  the  proposition 
furnishes  the  answer.  If  we  are  one  nation,  then 
no  State  has  a  right  to  secede.  Secession  can  only 
be  the  result  of  successful  revolution.  I  answer  the 
question  for  you,  and  I  know  that  my  answer  will 
find  a  response  in  every  true  American  heart,  that 
we 'are  one  people,  one  nation,  undivided  and  indi 
visible. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Judge  Morton's  speech  a 
paper  was  handed  to  him,  of  which  the  following 
is  a  copy : 

"  This  is  understood  to  be  a  meeting  to  rejoice 
over  the  election  of  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Will  the  speaker  please  state  to  his  audience : 

"  1.  Whether  or  not  his  party  rejoice  over  the 
universal  bankruptcy  and  ruin  now  about  to  fall 
upon  our  country,  as  a  consequence  of  that  election  ? 

"  2.  Whether  they  rejoice  that  the  free  laborers, 
about  which  they  have  told  us  so  much,  are  on  the 
eve  of  being  turned  out  and  starved  as  a  conse 
quence  of  that  election? 

"  3.  Whether  they  rejoice  at  the  prospect  of 
fraternal  strife  and  internecine  war,  which  now  pre- 
11 


122          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

sents  itself  in  the  immediate  future  as  a  consequence 
of  that  election  ? 

"  4.  Whether  they  rejoice  in  the  humiliation  of 
being  compelled,  by  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  to 
accept  the  very  principle  announced  and  main 
tained  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas  (whom  they  have 
denounced  and  vilified  for  his  steadfast  advocacy  of 
it),  as  the  only  basis  of  Union  and  peace  hereafter; 
or,  on  the  othe^'hand,  whether  they  rejoice  in  the 
certainty  that  the  honest  adherence  to  their  own 
principles  and  doctrines  will  insure  the  speedy 
destruction  of  their  country,  and  demonstrate  the 
failure  of  republican  governments  to  the  world  ? 

"  November  22, 1860.  GORDON  TANKER." 

Mr.  Morton  read  the  paper  and  then  said: 

As  I  recognize  the  person  whose  name  is  signed 
to  this  paper  as  a  gentleman,  I  will  with  pleasure 
attempt  to  respond  to  his  interrogatories. 

I  answer  to  the  first  question,  that  we  rejoice 
over  our  victory  because  it  is  the  triumph  of  truth 
and  the  success  of  correct  and  time-honored  prin 
ciples. 

Should  bankruptcy  and  ruin  fall  upon  the  coun 
try,  we  should  deplore  it  most  deeply;  but  we 
should  not  regard  it  as  the  consequence  of  the  elec 
tion  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  or  feel  that  any  respon 
sibility  rested  upon  us,  but  in  it  recognize  the 
legitimate  results  of  the  means  employed  by  our 
adversaries  to  effect  our  defeat  and  destruction. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  123 

To  the  second  question  I  answer,  that  should  free 
labor  lose  its  reward  and  free  laborers  their  employ 
ment,  and  be  brought  to  starvation,  we  would 
mourn  over  their  calamities,  seek  to  alleviate  their 
sufferings  and  redress  their  wrongs;  and,  as  we 
know  the  authors  of  the  crime,  we  intend  to  hold 
them  to  a  just  accountability  in  this  world,  and 
believe  that  the  Almighty  will  in  the  next. 

To  the  third  question  I  answer,  that  we  do  not 
rejoice  "  at  the  prospect  of  fraternal  strife  and  inter 
necine  war."  From  such  a  prospect  we  would  turn 
away  with  horror.  But  should  they  come  we  can 
rejoice  in  the  conviction  that  they  are  not  the  just 
consequence  of  the  election  of  a  president  accord 
ing  to  the  forms  of  the  Constitution;  but  we  know 
those  who  would  rejoice.  They  are  those  who  for 
months  and  years  past  have  labored  to  alienate  the 
hearts  of  this  people  from  each  other;  who,  for 
political  purposes,  by  all  the  arts  of  defamation 
have  poisoned  the  Southern  mind  against  the  North, 
and  sought  to  array  them  in  deadly  hostility  against 
each  other ;  who  have  broken  compromises  and 
kept  no  faith;  who  incited  civil  war  in  Kansas  and 
justified  the  attempted  subjugation  of  a  free  peo 
ple  ;  who,  for  political  purposes,  have  prophesied 
that  these  things  would  follow  Lincoln's  election, 
and  are  now  laboring  to  fulfill  the  prophecy,  and 
instead  of  seeking  to  allay  the  troubles  in  the  land 
are  exerting  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  aggra 
vate  the  difficulty  and  widen  the  breach.  They 


124         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

seem  exceedingly  anxious  to  be  able  to  tell  the  peo 
ple,  "  I  told  you  so ;  see  what  you  have  done  by 
voting  your  sentiments  and  for  the  man  of  your 
choice." 

It.  J.  Ryan—I  beg  leave  to  ask  a  question.  I 
agree  to  and  indorse  nearly  every  thing  that  has 
been  said  here  to-night ;  and  I,  too,  trust  that  if 
South  Carolina  gets  out  of  the  Union  it  will  be  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet.  My  father  and  mother 
are  buried  at  Barnwell  in  that  State,  and  should 
she  secede  from  the  Union,  I  would  go  and  with 
my  own  hands  dig  up  their  bones  and  bring  them 
away.  But  the  question  I  desire  to  ask  is  this : 
Whether  those  questions  were  really  prepared  by  a 
democrat  ? 

Much  confusion  and  excitement  ensued  for  a 
moment,  when  Mr.  Tanner  arose  in  the  back  por 
tion  of  the  audience  and  said  the  questions  were 
his  and  bore  his  signature. 

Mr.  Morton  then  proceeded :  I  am  not  surprised 
that  my  friend,  Mr.  Ryan,  who  is  a  very  sensible 
gentleman,  should  regard  it  as  incredible  that  any 
democrat  should  ask  these  questions. 

The  fourth  question,  as  you  perceive,  is  quite 
lengthy,  and  has  a  very  considerable  stump  speech 
injected  into  the  body  of  it.  My  friend,  Governor 
Lane,  understands  parliamentary  law,  and  I  appeal 
whether  I  may  not  call  for  a  division  of  the  ques 
tion  and  consider  it  by  sections. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  125 

[Governor  Lane,  who  was  sitting  on  the  platform, 
announced  that  the  suggestion  was  in  order.] 

To  the  first  branch  of  the  question,  I  answer  that 
we  have  not  u  vilified  "  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  his 
"  steadfast  advocacy  "  of  a  principle  or  for  any  other 
cause.  He  has  been  upon  all  sides  of  the  vexed 
question.  "Within  the  last  twelve  months  he  has 
undergone  more  changes  than  the  moon.  He  has 
advocated  nothing  steadfastly  but  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  To  the  third  and  last  branch  of  the 
question,  I  answer  that  we  do  not  rejoice  in  the  cer 
tainty  that  an  honest  adherence  to  our  principles 
"  will  insure  the  speedy  destruction  of  Our  country 
and  demonstrate  the  failure  of  republican  govern 
ment  to  the  world."  On  the  contrary,  we  believe  our 
principles  to  be  those  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
Fathers,  and  that  peace  can  only  be  restored  and 
the  safety  of  our  institutions  secured  by  bringing  the 
government  to  that  ancient,  just,  and  liberal  policy 
upon  which  it  was  founded  and  administered  for  so 
many  years. 


126        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Commencement  of  the  rebellion — The  attack  on  Sumter — Great 
excitement  which  followed — Governor  Morton's  capacity  to 
control  and  direct  popular  feeling — Readiness  with  which  the 
people  responded  to  his  call — Remarkable  promptness  and 
efficiency  of  Governor  Morton  in  preparing  Indiana  volunteers 
for  service — Indiana  troops  excel  those  of  any  other  Western 
State — Governor  Morton  calls  an  extra  session  of  the  Indiana 
legislature — His  message  to  that  body — His  impartiality  in 
making  military  appointments,  etc.,  etc. 

On  the  14th  day  of  January,  1861,  in  the  pres 
ence  of  both  houses  of  the  Indiana  Legislature, 
Honorable  0.  P.  Morton  was  duly  qualified  for  the 
office  of  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  on  the  same 
day  took  his  seat  as  President  of  the  Senate.  He 
occupied  this  position  but  two  days  when,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  election  by  the  legislature  of  Hon. 
Henry  S.  Lane,  Governor  elect,  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  for  the  term  of  six  years,  he  became 
governor  of  Indiana  and  took  the  oath  of  office. 

The  following  is  his  address  to  the  General  As 
sembly  on  the  occasion  of  his  inauguration : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate : — I  beg  leave  to  return 
to  you  my  thanks  for  the  courtesy  and  kindness 
extended  to  me  during  our  very  brief  official  inter- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  127 

course.  That  intercourse  was  just  long  enough  to 
exhibit  on  my  part  the  awkwardness  of  the  novice, 
without  the  improvement  and  facilities  resulting 
from  experience.  In  the  new  position  in  which  I 
am  placed  I  trust  that  our  relations,  both  social  and 
official,  may  continue  satisfactory  and  pleasant. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives  : — Called  by  the  Constitution  to  perform  the 
duties  of  the  office  of  Governor,  it  will  not  be 
expected,  under  the  circumstances,  that  I  should 
deliver  a  formal  inaugural  address.  I  can  only 
promise  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  people  of 
Indiana,  to  the  extent  of  my  ability,  a  faithful  and 
economical  administration,  to  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  enforced,  and  to  resist  extravagance  and 
peculation,  come  in  what  form  they  may. 

The  financial  affairs  of  our  State  are  in  great  con 
fusion  and  embarrassment.  It  will  be  among  your 
first  duties  carefully  to  investigate  their  condition, 
which  having  done  you  will  then  be  able  to  devise 
the  necessary  remedies  and  apply  them  as  far  as 
may  be  in  your  power.  The  people  of  this  State 
have  been  promised  retrenchment  and  reform. 
That  promise  can  and  must  be  redeemed. 

The  times  in  which  we  are  called  to  act  are  full 
of  gloomy  portents,  counseling  us  to  discretion, 
moderation,  and  firmness,  and  I  shall  gladly  co-op 
erate  with  you  in  all  measures  having  for  their  pur 
pose  the  prosperity  and  well-being  of  our  beloved 


128          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

commonwealth  and  the  preservation  of  the  glorious 
and  precious  Union  of  these  States. 

On  taking  his  seat  as  the  executive  of  Indiana, 
Governor  Morton  introduced  a  new  order  of  things. 
Under  loose,  corrupt  administrations,  Indiana  had 
been  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  her  sister  States ;  and, 
as  a  western  writer  truly  remarks,  had  become  a 
"by-word  among  her  own  citizens."  Polluted, 
unscrupulous  officials  had  grown  wealthy  by  pecu 
lation  ;  thousands  of  dollars  of  the  people's  money 
had  been  wasted  by  wanton  extravagance.  The 
Sinking  Fund  had  been  miserably  mismanaged, 
and  the  "  Stover  Fraud,"  as  brought  to  light 
by  Governor  Morton,  was  found  to  be  one  of  the 
most  unprincipled  affairs  ever  connected  with  the 
management  of  Indiana's  executive  department.  A 
regular  system  of  scoundrelism  had  been  carried 
out  by  state  and  county  officers  in  respect  to  the 
disposition  of  Swamp  Lands.  It  had  been  the  pol 
icy  of  the  State  at  one  time  to  bring  these  lands 
into  a  tillable  condition,  by  giving  them  to  persons 
who  would  drain  them,  each  individual  who  took 
land  to  be  obligated  to  drain  every  acre  he  ob 
tained  ;  but,  by  the  secret  understanding  had  between 
state  and  county  officials  and  certain  land  specula 
tors,  during  the  administration  which  preceded  Gov 
ernor  Morton,  thousands  of  acres  of  the  Swamp 
Lands  were  made  over  to  persons  who  never 
drained  the  tenth  part  of  what  they  received, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  129 

while  the  officers  themselves  were  constantly* 
making  illegal  drafts  upon  the  Swamp  Land  Fund. 
The  credit  of  the  State  abroad  was  greatly  dam 
aged,  owing  to  her  finances  having  been  so  poorly 
economized,  that  she  had  been  obliged  to  borrow 
money  to  pay  her  debts. 

To  bring  order  out  of  confusion, — to  renovate 
every  department,  to  replenish  a  depleted  treasury, 
to  redeem  the  State  credit,  were  the  duties  devol 
ving  upon  Governor  Morton  when  he  entered  the 
gubernatorial  chair ;  and  earnestly  did  he  set  him 
self  about  their  performance.  He  ushered  a  new 
era  into  the  history  of  the  State.  Political  specula 
tors  and  thieving  officials  were  hurled  from  position, 
and  base,  unprincipled  seekers  found  their  stars  in 
the  descendant.  Public  expenses  were  greatly  cur 
tailed,  and  the  State's  finances  were  carefully  hus 
banded.  This  work  was  begun  so  early  and  pur 
sued  so  persistently  that  the  State  was  saved  mil 
lions  of  dollars. 

But  the  ordinary  labors  of  his  office  and  the 
extraordinary  labor  of  correcting  public  abuses 
were  not  the  only  duties  to  be  performed  by  the 
Governor,  upon  assuming  the  responsibilities  of  the 
executive  chair.  The  cloud  of  disunion  in  the 
South,  instead  of  seeming  likely  to  disappear,  con 
tinued  to  thicken ;  and  the  State  of  Indiana  was 
greatly  divided  with  respect  to  the  question  of  the 
right  of  secession.  Men  wrere  heard  to  say,  in  the 
State  Legislature,  that  they  would  rather  take  their 


130         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

muskets  and  assist  the  Southern  people  in  their 
attempt  to  obtain  their  independence,  than  to  sup 
port  the  Government.  In  fact,  such  was  the  appa 
rent  strength  of  the  disloyal  feeling  in  the  Hoosier 
State  during  the  winter  of  1861,  that  the  South 
ern  traitors  believed  that  in  case  of  civil  war  they 
would  obtain  whole  regiments  of  soldiers  from 
Indiana ;  that  should  a  coercive  policy  be  pursued 
by  the  Administration,  Indiana  would  secede  and 
annex  itself  to  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The 
author  was,  at  this  period  traveling  in  the  South 
and  heard  it  from  the  lips  of  more  than  one  native 
of  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  that  Indiana, — 
at  least  the  southern  half  of  it, — would  readily 
unite  its  fortunes  with  the  South,  in  case  of  a  disso 
lution  of  the  Union.  To  preserve  the  honor  of  the 
State,  to  prevent  its  playing  into  the  hands  of 
secessionists,  and  to  place  it  decidedly  on  the  side  of 
the  Government,  at  this  time,  constituted  a  work 
of  extraordinary  magnitude, — a  work  which  no 
ordinary  man  or  men  could  have  accomplished. 

In  going  about  it,  Governor  Morton  consulted 
and  secured  the  co-operation  of  the  wisest  and  most 
influential  men,  of  all  parties,  who  were  in  favor  of 
executing  the  laws  and  vindicating  the  honor  of 
the  country's  flag.  Governor  Morton  was  never  a 
friend  of  half-way  measures,  nor  did  he  ever  seek 
the  advice  of  men  of  half-way  principles.  His  loy 
alty  from  the  beginning  was  of  the  most  decided 
character,  and  when  he  saw  the  honor  of  his  State 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  131 

in  jeopardy,  that  there  were  certain  influences  at 
work  which  threatened  to  drag  Indiana  into  the 
whirlpool  of  secession,  he  stopped  not  to  inquire  what 
might  be  a  man's  political  creed,  but  only  asked, 
"  What  is  the  depth  of  his  patriotism  ?  Is  he  uncon 
ditionally  for  the  Union  ? "  Among  the  men  whose 
counsel  and  co-operation  he  sought  at  this  period, 
were  Hon.  Ebenezer  Dumont  and  Hon.  Lew  Wal 
lace,  life-long  democrats,  and  afterwards  among  the 
most  gallant  and  distinguished  of  Indiana's  military 
chieftains, — men,  who,  although  they  had  used  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  defeat  the  election  of  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  not  only  cheerfully  submitted  to  the 
constitutionally  expressed  will  of  the  people  in  that 
election,  but  boldly  denounced  all  efforts  to  con 
ciliate  traitors  as  futile  and  pusillanimous. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1861,  it  became  manifest 
that  not  only  Indiana,  but  many  other  northern  States 
contained  a  very  considerable  "  pacific  element, " — a 
compromising,  coaxing  element,  composed  of  men 
willing  to  concede  anything  to  the  South  rather  than 
involve  the  country  in  a  war  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  A  peace  conference  composed  of  dele 
gates  from  the  border  States  had  met  in  Virginia 
and  failed  to  accomplish  anything.  Commissioners 
from  the  rebel  States  had  been  sent  to  Washington 
ostensibly  to  negotiate  with  the  Government  for 
the  United  States  property  within  the  boundary  of 
the  seceded  States,  and  procure  a  "  peaceable  sep 
aration.  "  A  very  respectable  number  of  highly 


132       '  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

influential  newspapers  were  arguing  to  the  people 
and  pressing  upon  the  President  (Lincoln)  the 
"necessity  of  pursuing  a  peace  policy. " 

Governor  Morton's  statesman-like  foresight  ena 
bled  him  to  see  the  utter  futility  of  trying  moral 
suasion  upon  rebels.  His  eyes  had  not  been  closed 
to  the  fact  that  the  Rebellion  had  been  in  due  course 
of  preparation  for  a  number  of  years ;  that  it  wras 
not  the  passage  of  personal  liberty  bills  or  the  mere 
election  of  a  republican  president  that  induced  the 
South  to  withdraw  from  the  Union ;  but,  that  the 
real  cause  of  the  difficulty  was  to  be  found  in  the 
desire  of  Southern  politicians  to  make  Slavery  the 
dominant  power  in  the  Government, — the  determin 
ation  of  Southern  aristocrats  to  render  every  inter 
est  in  the  country  subordinate  to  that  of  their  pefc 
institution.  It  was  clearly  obvious  to  him  that  no 
compromise  involving  anything  less  than  the  sacri 
fice  of  every  Northern  interest  would  be  accepted  by 
the  secessionists. 

Thoroughly  convinced  of  the  danger  of  delaying 
prompt  action  in  taking  steps  toward  the  defense 
of  the  Government,  he  visited,  in  person,  the  Pres 
ident  and  assured  him  that  if  he  would  adopt  a 
vigorous  policy,  Indiana  would  support  him ;  that 
at  least  six  thousand  Hoosiers  were  ready  to  march 
in  defense  of  the  Union ;  that  the  State  of  Indiana, 
although  somewhat  divided  in  regard  to  the  causes 
of  the  secession  movement,  would  upon  trial  be 
found  loyal;  that  nothing  could  more  effectually 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  133 

discourage  the  Union  sentiment  in  Hoosierdom  than 
a  manifestation  of  a  want  of  decision  on  the  part 
of  the  Administration. 

That  the  Governor's  influence  had  its  effect  in 
determining  the  course  pursued,  subsequently,  by 
the  powers  at  "Washington  is  clearly  manifest  in 
the  changes  immediately  following  this  visit. 

As  has  been  truly  remarked  by  an  Indiana  edi 
tor,  "  there  never  was  a  cowardly  hair  on  Governor 
Morton's  head,"  and  the  desire  to  see  a  set  of 
debased,  putrid,  domineering  politicians,  styling 
themselves  "  the  chivalry  of  America"  thoroughly 
chastised,  and  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  North, 
doubtless  constituted  a  very  strong  incentive  to  the 
effort  thus  early  made  by  him  to  urge  the  Adminis 
tration  to  waste  no  time  in  parleying  with  those 
who  were  bent  on  the  destruction  of  constitutional 
liberty. 

Shortly  after  the  Governor's  visit  to  Washington 
Fort  Sumter  was  bombarded  and  reduced  by  the 
rebels.  This  was  the  commencement  of  the  most 
remarkable  period  in  the  history  of  this  nation. 
The  attack  upon  Sumter  opened  the  eyes  of  the 
people  to  the  fact  that  whatever  might  have  been 
the  causes  of  the  rebellion,  the  salvation  of  the 
country  depended  upon  prompt  energetic  action ; 
and,  for  a  time,  parties  and  party  differences  were 
forgotten,  and  the  fire  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  swept 
the  entire  North.  The  wild  pulsations  of  the  pub 
lic  heart  threw  the  whole  body  politic  into  a  state 


134          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

of  phrenzied  excitement.  To  control  and  regulate 
this  almost  ungovernable  feeling  and  direct  it  to  the 
production  of  good  results,  was  an  herculean  under 
taking,  and  the  citizens  of  Indiana  have  cause  to 
rejoice  that  in  their  State  it  devolved  upon  a  man 
fully  equal  to  the  task. 

Upon  receiving  the  President's  proclamation, 
Governor  Morton  issued  calls  to  every  part  of  the 
State  for  men.  Forty  thousand  men,  over  six  times 
the  number  required,  sprang,  with  bounding  hearts, 
to  the  defense  of  their  government.  Six  regiments, 
Indiana's  quota,  were  armed  and  equipped,  ready 
for  service  in  an  incredibly  short  period  of  time. 
But,  notwithstanding  the  hurry  attending  their 
preparation,  they  were  better  furnished  than  any 
other  troops  from  the  West.  As  they  marched 
through  Cincinnati  and  other  points  on  their  way 
to  the  destinations  assigned  them,  after  they  were 
ready  for  the  field,  their  uniforms,  arms,  and  equip 
ments  were  the  admiration  of  all  observers,  and  the 
newspapers  of  other  States  vied  with  each  other  in 
eulogizing  the  governor  of  Indiana  for  the  extra 
ordinary  promptness  and  ability  he  had  displayed 
in  preparing  the  Hoosier  volunteers  for  the  service. 
In  nearly  all  the  North-western  States  Governor 
Morton's  efficiency  was  held  up  as  an  example  for 
other  State  executives  to  follow. 

~No  sooner  were  these  first  troops  in  the  field  than 
the  Governor  sent  agents  to  attend  to  their  several 
wants ;  to  see  that  all  their  little  needs  were  sup- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  135 

plied  while  in  health,  and  that  they  were  properly 
cared  for  when  sick.  The  plan  of  sending  State 
agents  to  visit  the  troops  was  originated  by  Gov 
ernor  Morton,  and  though  other  governors  en 
deavored  to  imitate  him  they  never  kept  pace  with 
him  ;  his  agents  uniformly  distanced  all  others. 

In  the  meantime,  while  he  was  furnishing  men 
and  means  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  called  an  extra  session  of  the  legisla 
ture.  His  comprehensive  views  of  the  rebellion,  its 
causes,  and  the  measures  necessary  to  its  suppression 
are  clearly  and  eloquently  expressed  in  the  follow 
ing  message,  delivered  to  the  General  Assemby, 
April  25th,  1861 : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives: — You  have  been  summoned  together  under 
circumstances  of  the  most  grave  and  important 
character.  Our  country  is  placed  in  a  condition 
hitherto  unknown  in  her  history,  and  one  which  all 
patriots  and  lovers  of  liberty  throughout  the  world 
had  fondly  hoped  would  never  occur.  Civil  war, 
that  has  ever  been  the  bane  of  republics,  has  been 
inaugurated  by  certain  rebellious  States  which,  un 
mindful  of  their  constitutional  obligations,,  and 
regarding  not  our  common  history,  blood,  interests, 
and  institutions,  are  seeking  to  dismember  the  na 
tion  and  overthrow  the  Federal  government,  so 
wisely,  and  as  we  had  believed,  permanently  estab 
lished  by  our  fathers. 


136         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

The  origin  of  this  most  wicked  rebellion  dates 
back  more  than  thirty  years.  It  is  well  known 
that  distinguished  Southern  statesmen,  as  early  as 
1829,  cherished  the  dream  of  a  vast  Southern 
slaveholding  confederacy,  comprehending  the  con 
quest  of  Cuba,  Mexico,  and  Central  America.  The 
determination  was  then  formed  to  break  our  Be- 
public  into  pieces  by  any  available  pretext.  The 
first  one  seized  upon  by  South  Carolina  wras  the 
tariff  question  ;  and  had  not  the  nation  had  for 
its  executive  a  man  greatly  distinguished  for  patri 
otism,  courage,  and  decision  of  character,  wide- 
spreading  and  disastrous  consequences  might  have 
followed.  By  prompt  and  energetic  action,  the 
rebellion  was  crushed  out  for  the  time,  to  be 
revived,  as  subsequent  events  have  shown,  on  new 
pretenses  and  in  another  form. 

The  election  of  a  president  of  the  United  States 
through  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  entertain 
ing  opinions  obnoxious  to  certain  States  of  the 
confederacy,  is  boldly  published  to  the  world  as 
a  just  cause  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and 
bringing  on  if  necessary  for  that  purpose  all  the 
horrors  of  a  bloody  revolution.  It  would  be  an 
insult  to  your  intelligence  to  argue  that  the  admis 
sion  of  this  pretense  as  a  justification  would  be 
clearly  fatal  to  all  republican  government;  that 
popular  institutions  can  only  be  sustained  by  sub 
mission  to  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed 
through  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  trusting  to 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  137 

the  peaceful  remedy  of  the  ballot-box  for  the 
redress  of  grievances.  And  the  wickedness  of  this 
pretense  is  greatly  aggravated  by  the  reflection, 
that  it  is  utterly  hypocritical,  that  it  was  only, put 
forward  in  furtherance  of  schemes  entertained  for 
years,  and  supported  by  notoriously  false  assump 
tions  of  fact  and  logic. 

When  we  read  the  history  of  the  late  democratic 
convention  at  Charleston  by  the  light  of  subse 
quent  events,  can  we  fail  to  see  that  the  scheme  of 
secession  and  dismemberment  of  the  Republic  was 
then  completely  formed,  and  that  the  disruption  of 
that  convention  was  one  of  the  steps  toward  its 
consummation.  If  confirmation  of  this  opinion 
were  needed,  it  will  be  found  in  the  fact  that  cer 
tain  traitorous  members  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cab 
inet  were  systematically  engaged,  for  many  months 
before  the  late  presidential  election,  in  placing  the 
arms  and  defenses  of  the  nation  in  a  position  to  be 
readily  seized  by  the  seceding  States. 

Secession  was  at  first  argued  as  a  right  springing 
from  the  Constitution  itself,  but  as  the  movement 
gained  strength,  the  flimsy  pretext  was  abandoned 
and  ceased  to  be  a  subject  of  discussion,  and  what 
in  an  hour  of  weakness  was  claimed  by  feeble  argu 
ment,  is  now  boldly  asserted  by  military  power. 

The  North,  conscious  of  her  strength  and  the 
rectitude  of  her  intentions,  has  hitherto  remained 
quiet,  making  no  preparation  whatever  for  a  con 
flict  of  arms.     Her  forbearance  has  been  construed 
12 


138         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

into  cowardice,  and  her  efforts  to  keep  the  peace 
have  but  provoked  increased  insolence  and  aggres 
sion.  The  secession  movement  has  from  the  begin 
ning  been  an  act  of  war.  Ordinances  of  secession 
have  been  immediately  followed  and  sometimes 
preceded  by  the  violent  seizure  and  plunder  of 
national  property,  and  the  forcible  expulsion  of  the 
agents  and  officers  of  the  Federal  government. 
From  the  very  first,  and  at  every  step  in  its  progress, 
it  has  been  distinguished  by  acts  of  hostility  and 
outrage,  alike  injurious  to  the  nation  and  insulting 
to  the  people  of  the  loyal  States. 

The  secessionists  were  profoundly  convinced  that 
the  -co- operation  of  the  border  Slave  States  could 
not  be  procured  without  a  conflict  of  arms  between 
them  an4  the  Federal  government,  and  hence  have 
labored  assiduously  to  place  the  Government  in  a 
position  that  a  collision  could  not  be  avoided,  ex 
cept  by  the  most  abject  submission  and  humiliation. 
The  intention  to  force  a  conflict  has  been  most 
apparent,  and  delay  was  Buffered  only  that  they 
might  complete  their  preparations;  and  when  at 
last  their  preparations  were  complete,  and  wearied 
by  the  long  forbearance  of  the  Government,  they 
inaugurated  hostilities  by  assaulting  and  reducing 
Fort  Sumter. 

The  place  where  Fort  Sumter  is  situated  had 
been  regularly  ceded  by  the  State  of  South  Caro 
lina  to  the  Federal  government,  and  by  an  express 
provision  of  the  Constitution  was  under  the  exclu- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  139 

sive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
unfinished,  and  held  by  a  garrison  of  less  than  one 
hundred  men,  and  while  in  this  condition  was 
invested  by  a  large  army,  cutting  off  all  approach 
to  it  by  sea  or  land.  The  stock  of  provisions  was 
almost  exhausted,  and  the  immediate  prospect  was 
presented  to  the  feeble  garrison  of  starvation,  or 
yielding  up  into  the  hands  of  an  avowed  enemy  a 
fortress  of  the  United  States.  At  this  juncture,  the 
Federal  government,  which  had  waited  long,  per 
haps  too  long,  declared  its  determination  to  send 
provisions  to  the  garrison.  Before  this  attempt 
could  be  made,  and  before  a  single  sail  of  the  fleet 
was  seen  off  the  harbor,  a  powerful  cannonade  was 
opened  upon  Sumter,  which  resulted  in  its  destruc 
tion  and  surrender. 

Every  day  brings  us  intelligence  of  new  outrage 
and  assault.  Throughout  the  rebellious  States  is 
heard  the  note  of  preparation  for  an  extensive  and 
aggressive  campaign.  The  national  capital  is 
menaced,  and  every  avenue  of  approach  for  Fed 
eral  troops  and  provisions  is  attempted  to  be  cut 
off.  The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  river, 
the  great  artery  of  commerce  of  the  North-west,  is 
obstructed ;  and  the  usurping  government  of  the 
rebellious  States  has  issued  a  proclamation  inviting 
the  freebooters  of  all  the  world  to  prey  upon  our 
national  commerce. 

We  have  passed  from  the  field  of  argument  to 
the  solemn  fact  of  war,  which  exists  by  the  act  of 


140 

the  seceding  States.  The  issue  is  forced  upon  us, 
and  must  be  accepted.  Every  man  must  take  his 
position  upon  the  one  side  or  upon  the  other.  In 
time  of  war  there  is  no  ground  upon  which  a  third 
party  can  stand.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  all 
men  to  rally  to  the  support  of  the  Government, 
and  to  expend  in  its  behalf,  if  need  be,  their  for 
tunes  and  their  blood.  Upon  the  preservation  of 
this  Government  depends  our  prosperity  and  great 
ness  as  a  nation ;  our  liberty  and  happiness  as 
individuals.  We  should  approach  the  contest  not 
as  politicians,  nor  as  ambitious  partizans,  but  as 
patriots,  who  cast  aside  every  selfish  consideration 
when  danger  threatens  their  country.  The  voice 
of  party  should  be  hushed,  and  the  bitterness  that 
may  have  sprung  out  of  political  contests  be  at 
once  forgiven  and  forgotten.  Let  us  rise  above 
these  paltry  considerations,  and  inaugurate  the  era 
when  there  shall  be  but  one  party  and  that  for  our 
country.  The  struggle  is  one  into  which  we  enter 
with  the  deepest  reluctance.  We  are  bound  to  the 
people  of  the  seceding  States  by  the  dearest  ties  of 
blood  and  institutions.  They  are  our  brothers  and 
our  fellow  countrymen.  But  if  they  regard  not 
these  tender  relations,  how  can  we  ?  If  they  wage 
war  upon  us  and  put  themselves  in  the  attitude  of 
public  enemies,  they  must  assume  all  the  responsi 
bilities  incident  to  that  position.  But  while  I 
deplore  deeply  the  character  of  the  contest  in  which 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  141 

we  are  engaged,  nevertheless  we  should  meet  it  as 
men. 

To  our  sister  State  of  Kentucky  we  turn  with 
hope  and  affection.  She  has  grown  rich  and  pros 
perous  in  the  Republic  ;  could  she  do  more  if  she 
were  out  of  it  ?  It  would  be  a  sad  day  that  would 
sever  the  bond  which  binds  these  States  together, 
and  places  us  in  separate  and  hostile  nations.  I 
appeal  to  her  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred 
and  history  ;  by  our  community  of  interest,  by  the 
sacred  obligations  that  bind  us  to  maintain  the  Con 
stitution  inviolate,  to  adhere  to  the  Union,  and 
stand  fast  by  that  flag  in  defense  of  which  she  has 
so  often  shed  her  best  blood.  I  pray  her  to  exam 
ine  her  past  history  arid  perceive  how  the  tide  of 
her  prosperity  has  flowed  on  unbroken,  and  ever 
increasing,  until  her  limits  are  filled  with  material 
wealth  and  her  people  are  respected,  elevated,  and 
happy ;  and  then  inquire  if  all  this  is  not  the  result 
of  that  Union  she  is  called  upon  to  break,  and  of 
that  government  she  is  invited  to  dishonor  and 
overthrow.  To  ask  Kentucky  to  secede,  is  to  ask 
her  to  commit  foul  dishonor  and  suicide.  I  trust 
that  the  good  sense  and  patriotism  of  her  people 
will  not  suffer  her  to  be  dragged  by  the  current  of 
events,  which  has  been  cunningly  invented  for  that 
purpose,  into  the  vortex  of  disunion;  nor  permit 
her  to  be  artfully  inveigled  into  an  armed  neutral 
ity  between  the  rebellious  States  and  the  Federal 
government.  Such  a  position  would  be  anomalous 


142          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  fatal  to  the  peace  and  perpetuity  of  the  Union. 
There  is  no  ground  in  the  Constitution  midway 
between  a  rebellious  State  and  the  Federal  govern 
ment  upon  which  she  can  stand,  holding  both  in 
check  and  restraining  the  Government  from  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  and  the  exercise  of  its 
constituted  authority.  Such  an  attitude  is  at  once 
unconstitutional  and  hostile.  At  a  time  like  this, 
if  she  is  not  for  the  Government,  aiding  and  main 
taining  it  by  the  observance  of  all  her  constitu 
tional  obligations,  she  is  against  it.  If  the  voice  of 
her  people  can  be  'heard,  I  fear  not  the  result.  Se 
cession  can  only  triumph,  as  it  has  triumphed  in 
other  States,  by  stifling  the  voice  of  the  people  and 
by  the  bold  usurpation,  by  demagogues  and  traitors, 
of  the  powers  which  rightfully  belong  to  them 
alone.  And  I  might  here  remark,  it  is  quite  mani 
fest  that  the  schemes  of  the  authors  and  managers  of 
the  rebellion,  extend  far  beyond  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  and  embrace  the  destruction  of  the 
democratic  principle  of  government,  and  the  sub 
stitution  of  an  aristocracy  in  its  stead.  In  the 
seceding  States  the  control  of  public  aifairs  has 
been  withdrawn  substantially  from  the  people,  and 
every  proposition  to  submit  to  their  consideration 
measures  of  the  most  vital  importance  has  been 
contemptuously  overruled ;  and  we  are  in  truth 
called  upon  to  fight  not  only  for  the  Union,  but  for 
the  principle  upon  which  our  State  and  National 
governments  are  founded. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTONr  143 

If  the  rebellious  States  hope  to  profit  by  dissen 
sions  in  the  North,  they  have  erred  egregiously,  and 
have  wholly  failed  to  comprehend  our  people.  Our 
divisions  were  merely  political,  and  not  fundamen 
tal  ;  and  party  lines  faded  instantly  from  sight  when 
the  intelligence  went  abroad  that  war  was  being 
waged  against  the  nation.  When  the  sound  of  the 
first  gun  reverberated  through  the  land,  the  people 
of  the  North  arose  as  one  man,  and  declared  that 
the  Government  must  be  sustained  and  the  honor 
of  our  Flag  preserved  inviolate  at  whatever  cost. 
The  events  of  the  last  ten  days  are  pregnant  with 
instruction  and  moral  grandeur.  They  present  the 
action  of  a  people  who  have  suffered  much  and 
waited  long ;  who  were  slow  to  take  offense  and 
incredulous  of  treason  and  danger ;  but  who,  when 
the  dread  appeal  to  ar. ms  was  made  and  the  issue 
could  no  longer  be  avoided  with  honor  or  safety, 
promptly  abandoned  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  life 
and  devoted  themselves  to  the  service  of  their  coun 
try.  I  trust  that  the  force  of  this  lesson  may  not 
be  lost  upon  our  erring  brethren  of  the  South,  and 
that  they  will  at  once  perceive  they  have  inaugur 
ated  a  contest  from  which  they  can  not  emerge  with 
honor  and  profit. 

On  the  15th  day  of  the  present  month  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  issued  his  proclamation 
calling  upon  the  loyal  States  to  furnish  75,000  men 
for  the  protection  of  the  Government,  the  suppres 
sion  of  rebellion  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 


144         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Subsequently  the  quota  to  be  furnished  by  Indiana 
was  fixed  at  six  regiments,  of  seven  hundred  and 
seventy  men  each.  In  obedience  to  this  call  I  issued 
my  proclamation  calling  for  volunteers,  and  in  less 
than  eight  days  more  than  12,000  men  have  ten 
dered  their  services,  and  the  contest  among  the  com 
panies  has  been  earnest  and  exciting  as  to  which 
shall  secure  a  place  within  the  quota.  This  response 
lias  been  most  gratifying  and  extraordinary,  and 
furnishes  indubitable  evidence  of  the  patriotism  of 
Indiana,  and  her  entire  devotion  to  the  Union. 
Without  distinction  of  party,  condition,  or  occupa 
tion,  men*have  rallied  around  the  national  standard, 
and  in  every  part  of  the  State  may  be  heard  the 
sound  of  martial  music  and  witnessed  the  muster 
ing  of  companies  into  the  field.  In  view  of  this 
remarkable  response  made  to  the  proclamation  on 
the  20th  inst,  I  tendered  to  the  President  for  the 
service  of  the  United  States  six  additional  regiments ; 
but  telegraphic  and  postal  communication  having 
been  cut  oft'  with  Washington,  no  answer  has  been 
received  up  to  this  time.  A  camp  was  formed  in 
the  neighborhood  of  this  city  for  the  reception  of 
the  troops,  and  Major  Wood,  of  the  U.  S.  army, 
has  been  busily  engaged  for  several  days  in  muster 
ing  them  into  the  service.  There  are  in  camp 

companies,  being  an  excess  of  the  number  called 
for  by  the  President,  and  in  addition  to  that,  every 
company  largely  exceeds,  and  in  some  instances 
more  than  doubles  the  number  that  can  be  finally 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  145 

received  iuto  the  company.  Some  companies  came 
by  mistakes  unavoidably  occurring  in  the  office  of 
the  adjutant  general,  and  others  without  marching 
orders.  They  will  be  retained  in  camp,  and  provi 
ded  with  quarters  and  subsistence,  awaiting  the 
action  of  the  Legislature.  I  can  not  refrain  from 
here  expressing  the  opinion  that  has  been  uttered 
by  many  who  have  visited  the  camp,  that  finer 
material  for  a  gallant  army  was  never  assembled. 

The  report  of  the  adjutant  general,  Lewis  Wal 
lace,  is  herewith  transmitted,  and  I  beg  leave  in  this 
manner  to  tender  him  my  hearty  thanks  for  his 
able  and  efficient  services  in  that  department. 

In  view  of  all  the  facts,  it  becomes  the  impera 
tive  duty  of  Indiana  to  make  suitable  preparations 
for  the  contest  by  providing  ample  supplies  of  men 
and  money  to  ensure  the  protection  of  the  State 
and  General  government  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  to  a  speedy  and  successful  termination.  I 
therefore  recommend  that  one  million  of  dollars  be 
appropriated  for  the  purchase  of  arms  and  muni 
tions  of  war,  and  for  the  organization  of  such  por 
tion  of  the  militia  as  may  be  deemed  necessary  for 
the  emergency.  That  a  militia  system  be  devised 
and  enacted  looking  chiefly  to  volunteers,  which 
shall  insure  the  greatest  protection  to  the  State, 
and  unity  and  efficiency  of  the  force  to  be  employed. 
Thaljrti  law  be  enacted  suspending  the  collection  of 
debts  against  those  who  may  be  actually  employed 
in  the  military  service  of  the  State  or  the  United 
18 


14C         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

States.  That  suitable  provision  be  made  by  the 
issue  of  the  bonds  of  the  State  or  otherwise  for 
raising  the  money  herein  recommended  to  be  appro 
priated.  And  that  all  necessary  and  proper  legisla 
tion  be  had  to  protect  the  business,  property,  and 
citizens  of  the  State,  under  the  circumstances  in 
which  they  are  placed. 

0.  P.  MOKTCXN",  Governor. 


[As  the  subjoined  message  of  President  Jackson, 
relative  to  the  nullification  movement  in  South  Car 
olina  in  1832,  was  adopted  by  Governor  Morton, 
as  an  expression  of  his  views  of  the  relations  sub 
sisting  between  the  States  and  the  General  govern 
ment,  and  was,  in  fact,  made  a  part  of  the  foregoing- 
message,  we  insert  it,  feeling  that  as  an  argument 
against  peaceable  separation  or  a  compromise  with 
rebels  in  arms  it  will  never  lose  its  weight. — ED.] 

Proclamation   of   Andrew  Jackson,  President  of  the 

United  States  : 

WHEREAS,  A  convention  assembled  in  the  State 
of  South  Carolina  have  passed  an  ordinance,  by 
which  they  declare  "  That  the  several  acts  and 
parts  of  acts  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
purporting  to  be  laws  for  the  imposing  of  duties 
and  imposts  on  the  importation  of  foreign  com 
modities,  and  now  having  actual  operation  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  147 

effect  within  the  United  States,  and  more  especially," 
two  acts  for  the  same  purposes  passed  on  the  29th 
of  May,  1828,  and  on  the  14th  of  July,  1832,  "  are 
unauthorized  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  violate  the  true  meaning  and  intent 
thereof,  and  are  null  and  void,  and  no  law,"  nor 
binding  on  the  citizens  of  that  State  or  its  officers  : 
and  by  the  said  ordinance,  it  is  further  declared  to 
be  unlawful  for  any  of  the  constituted  authorities 
of  the  State  or  of  the  United  States  to  enforce  the 
payment  of  the  duties  imposed  by  the  said  acts 
within  the  same  State,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
Legislature  to  pass  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  to 
give  full  effect  to  the  said  ordinance : 

AXD  WHEREAS,  By  the  said  ordinance,  it  is  fur 
ther  ordained  that  in  no  case  of  law  or  equity  deci 
ded  in  the  courts  of  said  State,  wherein  shall  be 
drawn  in  question  the  validity  of  the  said  ordinance, 
or  of  the  acts  of  the  Legislature  that  may  be  passed 
to  give  it  effect,  or  of  the  said  laws  of  the  United 
States,  no  appeal  shall  be  allowed  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  nor  shall  any  copy  of 
the  record  be  permitted  or  allowed  for  that  purpose; 
and  that  any  person  attempting  to  take  such  appeal 
shall  be  punished  as  for  a  contempt  of  court: 

And,  finally,  the  said  ordinance  declares  that  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  will  maintain  the  said 
ordinance  at  every  hazard ;  and  that  they  will  con 
sider  the  passage  of  any  act,  by  Congress,  abolish 
ing  or  closing  the  ports  of  the  said  State,  or  other-* 


148          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

wise  obstructing  the  free  ingress  or  egress  of  vessels 
to  and  from  the  said  ports,  or  any  other  act  of  the 
Federal  government  to  coerce  the  State,  shut  up  her 
ports,  destroy  or  harass  her  commerce,  or  to  enforce 
the  said  act  otherwise  than  through  the  civil  tribu 
nals  of  the  country,  as  inconsistent  with  the  longer 
continuance  of  South  Carolina  in  the  Union,  and 
that  the  people  of  the  said  State  will  thenceforth 
hold  themselves  absolved  from  all  further  obligation 
to  maintain  or  preserve  their  political  connection 
with  the  people  of  the  other  States,  and  will  forth 
with  proceed  to  organize  a  separate  government,  and 
do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  sovereign  and 
independent  States  may  of  right  do. 

AND  WHEREAS,  the  said  ordinance  prescribes  to 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  a  course  of  conduct 
in  direct  violation  of  their  duty  as  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  their  country, 
subversive  of  its  Constitution,  and  having  for  its 
object  the  destruction  of  the  Union, — that  Union, 
which,  coeval  with  our  political  existence,  led  our 
fathers,  without  any  other  ties  to  unite  them  than 
those  of  patriotism  and  a  common  cause,  through 
a  sanguinary  struggle  to  a  glorious  independence, — 
that  sacred  Union,  hitherto  inviolate,  which,  per 
fected  by  our  happy  Constitution,  has  brought  us, 
by  the  favor  of  Heaven,  to  a  state  of  prosperity  at 
home,  and  high  consideration  abroad,  rarely,  if 
ever,  equalled  in  the  history  of  nations.  To  pre 
serve  this  bond  of  our  political  existence  from  dcr>- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  149 

truction,  to  main  tain*  inviolate  this  state  of  national 
honor  and  prosperity,  and  to  justify  the  confidence 
my  fellow  citizens  have  reposed  in  me,  I  ANDREW 
JACKSON,  President  of  the  United  States,  have  thought 
proper  to  issue  this,  my  PROCLAMATION,  stating  my 
views  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  applicable  to 
the  measures  adopted  by  the  Convention  of  South 
Carolina,  and  to  the  reasons  they  have  put  forth  to 
sustain  them,  declaring  the  course  which  duty  will 
require  me  to  pursue,  and,  appealing  to  the  under 
standing  and  patriotism  of  the  people,  warn  them 
of  the  consequences  that  must  inevitably  result  from 
an  observance  of  the  dictates  of  the  convention. 

Strict  duty  would  require  of  me  nothing  more 
than  the  exercise  of  those  powers  with  which  I  am 
now,  or  may  hereafter  be  invested,  for  preserving  the 
peace  of  the  Union,  and  for  the  execution  of  the 
laws.  But  the  imposing  aspect  which  opposition 
has  assumed  in  this  case,  by  clothing  itself  with 
State  authority,  and  the  deep  interest  which  the 
people  of  the  United  States  must  all  feel  in  prevent 
ing  a  resort  to  stronger  measures,  while  there  is  a 
hope  that  anything  will  be  yielded  to  reasoning  and 
remonstrance,  perhaps  demand,  and  will  certainly 
justify,  a  full  exposition  to  South  Carolina  and  the 
nation  of  the  views  I  entertain  of  this  important 
question,  as  well  as  a  distinct  enunciation  of  the 
course  which  my  sense  of  duty  will  require  me  to 
pursue. 

The  ordinance  is  founded,  not  on  the  indefeasible 


150    LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

right  of  resisting  acts  which  are  plainly  uncon 
stitutional,  and  too  oppressive  to  be  endured ;  but  on 
the  strange  position  that  any  one  State  may  not  only 
declare  an  act  of  Congress  void,  but  prohibit  its 
execution, — that  they  may  do  this  consistently  with 
the  Constitution, — that  the  true  construction  of  that 
instrument  permits  a  State  to  retain  its  place  in  the 
Union,  and  yet  be  bound  by  no  other  of  its  laws 
than  those  it  may  choose  to  consider  as  constitu 
tional.  It  is  true,  they  add,  that  to  justify  this 
abrogation  of  a  law,  it  must  be  palpably  contrary  to 
the  Constitution ;  but  it  is  evident,  that,  to  give  the 
right  of  resisting  laws  of  that  description,  coupled 
with  the  uncontrolled  right  to  decide  what  laws 
deserve  that  character,  is  to  give  the  power  of 
resisting  all  laws.  For,  as  by  the  theory,  there  is 
no  appeal,  the  reasons  alleged  by  the  State,  good  or 
bad,  must  prevail.  If  it  should  be  said  that  public 
opinion  is  a  sufficient  check  against  the  abuse  of  this 
power,  it  may  be  asked  why  it  is  not  deemed  a  suf 
ficient  guard  against  the  passage  of  an  unconstitu 
tional  act  by  Congress?  There  is,  however,  a 
restraint  in  this  last  case,  which  makes  the  assumed 
power  of  a  State  more  indefensible,  and  which  does 
not  exist  in  the  other.  There  are  two  appeals  from 
an  unconstitutional  act  passed  by  Congress, — one 
to  the  judiciary,  the  other  to  the  people  and  the 
States.  There  is  no  appeal  from  the  State  decision 
in  theory,  and  the  practical  illustration  shows  that 
the  courts  are  closed  against  an  application  to  review 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  151 

it,  both  judges  and  jurors  being  sworn  to  decide  in 
its  favor.  But  reasoning  on  this  subject  is  super 
fluous,  when  our  social  compact,  in  express  terms, 
declares  that  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  its  Con 
stitution,  and  treaties  made  under  it,  are  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land ;  and,  for  the  greater  caution,  adds 
u  that  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound 
thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of 
any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  "  And  it 
may  be  asserted  without  fear  of  refutation,  that  no 
Federal  government  could  exist  without  a  similar 
provision.  Look  for  a  moment  to  the  consequence. 
If  South  Carolina  considers  the  revenue  laws  uncon 
stitutional,  and  has  a  right  to  prevent  their  execu 
tion  in  the  port  of  Charleston,  there  would  be  a 
clear  constitutional  objection  to  their  collection  in 
every  other  port,  and  no  revenue  could  be  collected 
anywhere  ;  for  all  imposts  must  be  equal.  It  is  no 
answer  to  repeat,  that  an  unconstitutional  law  is  no 
law,  so  long  as  the  question  of  its  legality  is  to  be 
decided  by  the  State  itself;  for  every  law  operating 
injuriously  upon  any  local  interest  will  be  perhaps 
thought,  and  certainly  represented,  as  unconstitu 
tional,  and,  as  has  been  shown,  there  is  no  appeal. 
If  this  doctrine  had  been  established  at  an  earlier 
day,  the  Union  would  have  been  dissolved  in  its 
infancy.  The  excise  law  in  Pennsylvania,  the 
embargo  and  non-intercourse  law  in  the  eastern 
States,  the  carriage  tax  in  Virginia,  were  all  deemed 
unconstitutional,  and  were  more  equal  in  their  ope- 


152          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ration  than  any  of  the  laws  now  complained  of; 
but  fortunately  none  of  those  States  discovered  that 
they  had  the  right  now  claimed  by  South  Carolina. 
The  war  into  which  we  were  forced  to  support  the 
dignity  of  the  nation  and  the  rights  of  our  citizens, 
might  have  ended  in  defeat  and  disgrace  instead  of 
victory  and  honor,  if  the  States  who  supposed  it  a 
ruinous  and  unconstitutional  measure,  had  thought 
they  possessed  the  right  of  nullifying  the  act  by 
which  it  was  declared,  and  denying  supplies  for  its 
prosecution.  Hardly  and  unequally  as  those  meas 
ures  bore  upon  several  members  of  the  Union,  to 
the  legislatures  of  none  did  this  efficient  and  peace 
able  remedy,  as  it  is  called,  suggest  itself.  The  dis 
covery  of  this  important  feature  in  our  Constitution 
was  reserved  to  the  present  day.  To  the  statesmen 
of  South  Carolina  belongs  the  invention,  and  upon 
the  citizens  of  that  State  will  unfortunately  fall  the 
evils  of  reducing  it  to  practice. 

If  the  doctrine  of  a  State  veto  upon  the  laws  of 
the  Union  carries  with  it  internal  evidence  of  its 
impracticable  absurdity,  our  Constitutional  history 
will  also  afford  abundant  proof  that  it  would  have 
been  repudiated  with  indignation,  had  it  been  pro 
posed  to  form  a  feature  in  our  Government. 

In  our  colonial  state,  although  dependent  on 
another  power,  we  very  early  considered  ourselves 
as  connected  by  common  interest  with  each  other. 
Leagues  were  formed  for  common  defence,  and, 
before  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  we  were 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 

known  in  our  aggregate  character  as  the  United  Col 
onies  of  America.  That  decisive  and  important  step 
was  taken  jointly.  We  declared  ourselves  a  nation 
by  a  joint,  not  by  several  acts,  and  when  the  terms 
of  our  Confederation  were  reduced  to  form,  it  was 
in  that  of  a  solemn  league  of  several  States,  by 
which  they  agreed  that  they  would  collectively  form 
one  nation  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  some  cer 
tain  domestic  concerns  and  all  foreign  relations. 
In  the  instrument  forming  that  Union  is  found  an 
article  which  declares  that  "  every  State  shall  abide 
by  the  determination  of  Congress  on  all  questions 
which,  by  that  Confederation,  should  be  submitted 
to  them. " 

Under  the  Confederation,  then,  no  State  could 
legally  annul  a  decision  of  the  Congress,  or  refuse 
to  submit  to  its  execution ;  but  no  provision  was 
made  to  enforce  these  decisions.  Congress  made 
requisitions,  but  they  were  not  complied  with.  The 
Government  could  not  operate  on  individuals. 
They  had  no  judiciary,  no  means  of  collecting  rev 
enue. 

But  the  defects  of  the  Confederation  need  not  be 
detailed.  Under  its  operation  we  could  scarcely  be 
called  a  nation.  We  had  neither  prosperity  at 
home  nor  consideration  abroad.  This  state  of 
things  could  not  be  endured,  and  our  present  happy 
Constitution  wTas  formed,  but  formed  in  vain,  if  this 
fatal  doctrine  prevails.  It  was  formed  for  impor 
tant  objects  that  are  announced  in  the  preamble 


154  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

made  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  whose  delegates  framed, 
and  whose  conventions  approved  it.  The  most 
important  among  these  objects,  that  which  is  placed 
first  in  rank,  on  which  all  others  rest,  is,  "  to  form  a 
more  perfect  Union.  "  Now,  is  it  possible  that  even 
if  there  were  no  express  provision  giving  suprem 
acy  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  over  those  of  thn  States, — can  it  be  conceived, 
that  an  instrument  made  for  the  purpose  of  "form 
ing  a  more  perfect  Union"  than  that  of  the  Confeder 
ation,  could  be  so  constructed  by  the  assembled  wis 
dom  of  our  country  as  to  substitute  for  that  Confed 
eration  a  form  of  government  dependent  for  its 
existence  on  the  local  interest,  the  party  spirit  of  a 
State,  or  of  a  prevailing  faction  in  a  State  ?  Every 
man  of  plain,  unsophisticated  understanding,  who 
hears  the  question,  will  give  such  an  answer  as  will 
preserve  the  Union.  Metaphysical  subtlety,  in  pur 
suit  of  an  impracticable  theory,  could  alone  have 
devised  one  that  is  calculated  to  destroy  it. 

I  consider,  then,  the  power  to  annul  a  law  of  the 
United  States,  assumed  by  one  State,  incompatible 
with  the  existence  of  the  Union,  contradicted  expressly 
by  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  unauthorized  by  its 
spirit,  inconsistent  with  every  principle  on  which  it  loas 
founded,  and  destructive  of  the  great  object  for  which 
it  was  formed. 

After  this  general  view  of  the  leading  principle, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  155 

we   must  examine  the  particular  application  of  it 
which  is  made  in  the  ordinance. 

The  preamble  rests  its  justification  on  these 
grounds :  It  assumes,  as  a  fact,  that  the  obnoxious 
laws,  although  they  purport  to  be  laws  for  raising 
revenue,  were  in  reality  intended  for  the  protection 
of  manufacturers,  which  purpose  it  asserts  to  be 
unconstitutional ;  that  the  operation  of  these  laws 
is  unequal ;  that  the  amount  raised  by  them  is 
greater  than  is  required  by  the  wants  of  the  Gov 
ernment  ;  and,  finally,  that  the  proceeds  are  to  be 
applied  to  objects  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution. 
These  are  the  only  causes  alleged  to  justify  an 
open  opposition  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  a 
threat  of  seceding  from  the  Union,  if  any  attempt 
should  be  made  to  enforce  them.  The  first  virtu 
ally  acknowledges  that  the  law  in  question  was 
passed  under  a  power  expressly  given  by  the  Con 
stitution  to  lay  and  collect  imposts  ;  but  its  consti 
tutionality  is  drawn  in  question  from  the  motives  of 
those  who  passed  it.  However  apparent  this  pur 
pose  may  be  in  the  present  case,  nothing  can  be 
more  dangerous  than  to  admit  the  position  that  an 
unconstitutional  purpose,  entertained  by  the  mem 
bers  who  assent  to  a  law  enacted  under  a  constitu 
tional  power,  shall  make  the  law  void  :  for  how  is 
that  purpose  to  be  ascertained  ?  "Who  is  to  make 
the  scrutiny  ?  How  often  may  bad  purposes  be 
falsely  imputed, — in  how  many  cases  are  they  con 
cealed  by  false  professions, — in  how  many  is  no 


150          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

declaration  of  motive  made  ?  Admit  this  doctrine, 
and  you  give  to  the  States  an  uncontrolled  right  to 
decide,  and  every  law  may  be  annulled  under  this 
pretext.  If,  therefore,  the  absurd  and  dangerous 
doctrine  should  be  admitted,  that  a  State  may  annul 
an  unconstitutional  law,  or  one  that  it  deems  such, 
it  will  not  apply  to  the  present  case. 

The  next  objection  is,  that  the  laws  in  question 
operate  unequally.  This  obj ection  may  be  made  with 
truth  to  every  law  that  has  been  or  can  be  passed. 
The  wisdom  of  man  never  yet  contrived  a  system 
of  taxation  that  would  operate  with  perfect  equality. 
If  the  unequal  operation  of  a  law  makes  it  uncon 
stitutional,  and  if  all  laws  of  that  description  may 
be  abrogated  by  any  State  for  that  cause,  then 
indeed  is  the  Federal  Constitution  unworthy  of 
the  slightest  effort  for  its  preservation.  We  have 
hitherto  relied  on  it  as  the  perpetual  bond  of  our 
Union.  We  have  received  it  as  the  work  of  the 
assembled  wisdom  of  the  nation.  We  have  trusted 
to  it  as  to  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  safety  in  the 
stormy  times  of  conflict  with  a  foreign  or  domestic 
foe.  We  have  looked  to  it  with  sacred  awe  as  the 
palladium  of  our  liberties,  and  with  all  the  solemni 
ties  of  religion  have  pledged  to  each  other  our  lives 
and  fortunes  here,  and  our  hopes  of  happiness  here 
after,  in  its  defence  and  support.  Were  we  mista 
ken,  my  countrymen,  in  attaching  this  importance 
to  the  Constitution  of  our  country  ?  Was  our  devo 
tion  paid  to  the  wretched,  inefficient,  clumsy,  con- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  157 

trivance  which  this  new  doctrine  would  make  it? 
Did  we  pledge  ourselves  to  the  support  of  an  airy 
nothing, — a  bubble  that  must  be  blown  away  by  the 
first  breath  of  disaffection  ?  Was  this  self-destroy 
ing,  visionary  theory,  the  work  of  the  profound 
statesmen,  the  exalted  patriots,  to  whom  the  task  of 
constitutional  reform  was  entrusted  ?  Did  the  name 
of  Washington  sanction,  did  the  States  deliberately 
ratify  such  an  anomaly  in  the  history  of  fundamen 
tal  legislation  ?  No.  We  were  not  .mistaken.  The 
letter  of  this  great  instrument  is  free  from  this  radi 
cal  fault ;  its  language  directly  contradicts  the  impu 
tation  ;  its  spirit, — its  evident  intent,  contradicts  it. 
No,  we  did  not  err  !  Our  Constitution  does  not  con 
tain  the  absurdity  of  giving  power  to  make  laws, 
and  another  power  to  resist  them.  The  sages 
whose  memory  will  always  be  reverenced,  have 
given  us  a  practical,  and,  as  they  hoped,  a  perma 
nent  constitutional  compact.  The  Father  of  his 
Country  did  not  affix  his  revered  name  to  so  palpa 
ble  an  absurdity.  Nor  did  the  States,  when  they 
severally  ratified  it,  do  so  under  the  impression  that 
a  veto  on  the  laws  of  the  United  States  was  reserved 
to  them,  or  that  they  could  exercise  it  by  implica 
tion.  Search  the  debates  in  all  their  conventions, 
examine  the  speeches  of  the  most  zealous  opposers 
of  federal  authority,  look  at  the  amendments  that 
were  proposed, — they  are  all  silent, — not  a  syllable 
uttered,  not  a  vote  given,  not  a  motion  made,  to  cor 
rect  the  explicit  supremacy  given  to  the  laws  of  the 


158          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Union  over  those  of  the  States,  or  to  show  that 
implication,  as  is  now  contended,  could  defeat  it. 
l!s~o,  we  have  not  erred  !  The  Constitution  is  still  the 
object  of  our  reverence,  the  bond  of  our  Union, 
our  defense  in  danger,  the  source  of  our  prosperity 
in  peace ;  it  shall  descend  as  we  have  received  it, 
uncorrupted  by  sophistical  construction,  to  our  pos 
terity,  and  the  sacrifices  of  local  interest,  of  State 
prejudices,  of  personal  animosities,  that  were  made 
to  bring  it  into  existence,  will  again  be  patriotically 
offered  for  its  support. 

The  two  remaining  objections  made  by  the 
ordinance  to  these  laws,  are  that  the  sums  intended 
to  be  raised  by  them  are  greater  than  are  required, 
and  that  the  proceeds  will  be  unconstitutionally 
employed. 

The  Constitution  has  given,  expressly,  to  Con 
gress  the  right  of  raising  revenue,  and  of  determin 
ing  the  sum  the  public  exigencies  will  require.  The 
States  have  no  control  over  the  exercise  of  this 
right  other  than  that  which  results  from  the  power 
of  changing  the  representatives  who  abuse  it,  and 
thus  procure  redress.  Congress  may,  undoubtedly, 
abuse  this  discretionary  power ;  but  the  same  may 
be  said  of  others  with  which  they  are  vested.  Yet 
the  discretion  must  exist  somewhere.  The  Con 
stitution  has  given  it  to  the  representatives  of  all 
the  people,  checked  by  the  representatives  of  the 
States  and  by  the  executive  power.  The  South 
Carolina  construction  gives  it  to  the  legislature  or 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  150 

the  convention  of  a  single  State,  where  neither  the 
people  of  the  different  States,  nor  the  States  in 
their  separate  capacity,  nor  the  chief  magistrate 
elected  by  the  people,  have  any  representation. 
Which  is  the  most  discreet  disposition  of  the  power  ? 
I  do  not  ask  you,  fellow-citizens,  which  is  the  con 
stitutional  disposition — that  instrument  speaks  a 
language  not  to  be  misunderstood.  But  if  you 
were  assembled  in  general  convention,  which  would 
you  think  the  safest  depository  of  this  discretion 
ary  power  in  the  last  resort  ?  Would  you  add  a 
clause  giving  it  to  each  of  the  States,  or  would  you 
sanction  the  wise  provisions  already  made  by  your 
Constitution  ?  If  this  should  be  the  result  of  your 
deliberations  when  providing  for  the  future,  are 
you,  can  you  be  ready  to  risk  all  that  we  hold  dear 
to  establish,  for  a  temporary  and  a  local  purpose, 
that  which  you  must  acknowledge  to  be  destruc 
tive,  and  even  absurd,  as  a  general  provision? 
Carry  out  the  consequences  of  this  right  vested  in 
the  different  States,  and  you  must  perceive  that  the 
crisis  your  conduct  presents  at  this  day  would  recur 
whenever  any  law  of  the  United  States  displeased 
any  of  the  States,  and  that  we  should  soon  cease 
to  be  a  nation. 

The  ordinance,  with  the  same  knowledge  of  the 
future  that  characterizes  a  former  objection,  tells 
you  that  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  will  be  unconsti 
tutionally  applied.  If  this  could  be  ascertained 
with  certainty,  the  objection  would,  with  more  pro- 


160  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

priety,  be  reserved  for  the  law  so  applying  the 
proceeds,  but  surely  can  not  be  urged  against  the 
laws  levying  the  duty. 

These  are  the  allegations  contained  in  the  ordi 
nance.  Examine  them  seriously,  my  fellow-citi 
zens;  judge  for  yourselves.  I  appeal  to  you  to 
determine  whether  they  are  so  clear,  so  convincing, 
as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their  correctness;  and  even 
if  you  should  come  to  this  conclusion,  how  far  they 
justify  the  reckless,  destructive  course  which  you 
are  directed  to  pursue.  Review  these  objections, 
and  the  conclusions  drawn  from  them,  once  more. 
What  are  they?  Every  law,  then,  for  raising  rev 
enue,  according  to  the  South  Carolina  ordinance, 
may  be  rightfully  annulled,  unless  it  be  so  framed 
as  no  law  ever  will  or  can  be  framed.  Congress 
have  a  right  to  pass  laws  for  raising  a  revenue,  and 
each  State  has  a  right  to  oppose  their  execution — 
two  rights  directly  opposed  to  each  other ;  and  yet 
is  this  absurdity  supposed  to  be  contained  in  an 
instrument  drawn  for  the  express  purpose  of  avoid 
ing  collisions  between  the  States  and  the  General 
government,  by  an  assembly  of  the  most  enlight 
ened  statesmen  and  purest  patriots  ever  embodied 
for  a  similar  purpose. 

In  vain  have  these  sages  declared  that  Congress 
shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties, 
imposts,  and  excises;  in  vain  have  they  provided 
that  they  shall  have  power  to  pass  laws  which  shall 
be  necessary  and  proper  to  carry  those  powers  into 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  161 

execution ;  that  those  laws  and  that  Constitution 
si i all  be  the  "  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  that  the 
judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any 
thing  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding."  In  vain  have  the 
people  of  the  several  States  solemnly  sanctioned 
these  provisions,  made  them  their  paramount  law, 
and  individually  sworn  to  support  them  whenever 
they  were  called  on  to  execute  any  office.  Vain 
provision  !  ineffectual  restrictions !  vile  profanation 
of  oaths  !  miserable  mockery  of  legislation !  if  the 
bare  majority  of  the  voters  in  any  one  State  may, 
on  a  real  or  supposed  knowledge  of  the  intent  with 
which  a  law  has  been  passed,  declare  themselves 
free  from  its  operation — say  here  it  gives  too  little, 
there  too  much,  and  operates  unequally — here  it 
suffers  articles  to  be  free  that  ought  to  be  taxed — 
there  it  taxes  those  that  ought  to  be  free — in  this 
case  the  proceeds  are  intended  to  be  applied  to  pur 
poses  which  we  do  not  approve — in  that  the  amount 
raised  is  more  than  is  wanted.  Congress, it  is  true, 
are  invested  by  the  Constitution  with  the  right  of 
deciding  these  questions  according  to  their  sound 
discretion  ;  Congress  is  composed  of  the  representa 
tives  of  all  the  States,  and  of  all  the  people  of  all 
the  States ;  but  we,  part  of  the  people  of  one  State, 
to  whom  the  Constitution  has  given  no  power  on 
the  subject,  from  whom  it  has  expressly  taken  it 
away — we,  who  have  solemnly  agreed  that  this 
Constitution  shall  be  our  law — we,  most  of  whom 
14 


162          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

have  sworn  to  support  it — we  now  abrogate  this 
law,  and  swear  and  force  others  to  swear  that  it 
shall  not  be  obeyed;  and  we  do  this,  not  because 
Congress  have  no  right  to  pass  such  laws — this  we 
do  not  allege — but  because  they  have  passed  them 
with  improper  views.  They  are  unconstitutional 
from  the  motives  of  those  who  passed  them,  which 
we  can  never  with  certainty  know  ;  from  their  une 
qual  operation,  although  it  is  impossible,  from  the 
nature  of  things,  that  they  should  be  equal ;  and 
from  the  disposition  which  we  presume  may  be 
made  of  their  proceeds,  although  that  disposition 
has  not  been  declared.  This  is  the  plain  meaning 
of  the  ordinance,  in  relation  to  laws  which  it  abro 
gates  for  alleged  unconstitutionality.  But  it  does 
not  stop  there.  It  repeals,  in  express  terms,  an 
important  part  of  the  Constitution  itself,  and  of 
laws  passed  to  give  it  effect,  which  have  never  been 
alleged  to  be  unconstitutional.  The  Constitution 
declares  that  the  judicial  powers  of  the  United 
States  extend  to  cases,  arising  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  that  such  laws,  the  Constitution  . 
and  treaties,  shall  be  paramount  to  the  State  Con 
stitutions  and  laws.  The  judiciary  act  prescribes 
the  mode  by  which  the  case  may  be  brought  before 
a  court  of  the  United  States  by  appeal,  when  a  State 
tribunal  shall  decide  against  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution.  The  ordinance  declares  that  there 
shall  be  no  appeal,  makes  the  State  law  paramount 
to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  163 

forces  judges  and  jurors  to  swear  that  they  will  dis 
regard  their  provisions,  and  even  makes  it  penal  in 
a  suit  to  attempt  relief  by  appeal.  It  further 
declares  that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  the  authori 
ties  of  the  United  States,  or  of  that  State,  to  enforce 
the  payment  of  duties  imposed  by  the  revenue  laws 
within  its  limits. 

Here  is  a  law  of  the  United  States,  not  even  pre 
tended  to  be  unconstitutional,  repealed  by  the 
authority  of  a  small  majority  of  the  voters  of  a 
single  State.  Here  is  a  provision  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  which  is  solemnly  abrogated  by  the  same 
authority. 

On  such  expositions  and  reasonings,  the  ordin 
ance  grounds  not  only  an  assertion  of  the  right  to 
annul  the  laws,  of  which  it  complains,  but  to 
enforce  it  by  a  threat  of  seceding  from  the  Union, 
if  any  attempt  is  made  to  execute  them. 

This  right  to  secede  is  deduced  from  the  nature 
of  the  Constitution,  which  they  say  is  a  compact 
between  sovereign  States,  who  have  preserved  their 
whole  sovereignty,  and  therefore  are  subject  to  no 
superior ;  that  because  they  made  the  compact,  they 
can  break  it,  when,  in  their  opinion,  it  has  been 
departed  from  by  the  other  States.  Fallacious  as 
this  course  of  reasoning  is,  it  enlists  State  pride,  and 
finds  advocates  in  the  honest  prejudices  of  those 
who  have  not  studied  the  nature  of  our  government 
sufficiently  to  see  the  radical  error  on  which  it  rests. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  formed  the  Con- 


164         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

stitution,  acting  through  the  State  Legislatures  in 
making  the  compact,  to  meet  and  discuss  its  provis 
ions,  and  acting  in  separate  conventions  when  they 
ratified  those  provisions ;  but  the  terms  used  in  its 
construction  show  it  to  he  a  government  in  which 
the  people  of  all  the  States  collectively  are  rep 
resented.  We  are  one  people  in  the  choice  of 
President  and  Vice  President.  Here  the  States 
have  no  other  agency  than  to  direct  the  mode  in 
which  the  votes  shall  be  given.  The  candidates 
having  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  are  chosen.  The 
electors  of  a  majority  of  States  may  have  given  their 
votes  for  one  candidate,  and  yet  another  may  be 
chosen.  The  people,  then,  and  not  the  States,  are 
represented  in  the  executive  branch. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  there  is  this  dif 
ference,  that  the  people  of  one  State  do  not,  as  in 
the  case  of  President  and  Vice  President,  all  vote 
for  the  same  officers.  The  people  of  all  the  States 
do  not  vote  for  all  the  members,  each  State  electing 
only  its  own  representatives.  But  this  creates  no  na 
tional  distinction.  When  chosen,  they  are  all  repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States,  not  representatives  of 
the  particular  State  from  whence  they  come.  They 
are  paid  by  the  United  States,  not  by  the  State ; 
nor  are  they  accountable  to  it  for  any  act  done  in 
the  performance  of  their  legislative  functions  ;  and 
however  they  may  in  practice,  as  it  is  their  duty  to 
do,  consult  and  prefer  the  interests  of  their  partic 
ular  constituents,  when  they  come  in  conflict  with 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  1G5 

any  other  partial  or  local  interest,  yet  it  is  the  first 
and  highest  duty,  as  a  representative  of  the  United 
States,  to  promote  the  general  good. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  then,  forms 
a  go^eniment^  not  a  league;  and  whether  it  be 
formed  by  compact  between  the  States,  or  in  any 
other  manner,  its  character  is  the  same.  It  is  a  gov 
ernment  in  which  all  the  people  are  represented, 
which  operates  directly  on  the  people  individually, 
not  upon  the  States ;  they  retained  all  the  power 
they  did  not  grant.  But  each  State  having  ex 
pressly  parted  with  so  many  powers,  as  to  consti 
tute  jointly  with  the  other  States  a  single  nation,  can 
not  from  that  period  possess  any  right  to  secede, 
because  such  secession  does  not  break  a  league,  but 
destroys  the  unity  of  a  nation  ;  and  any  injury  to 
that  unity  is  not  only  a  breach,  which  would  result 
from  the  contravention  of  a  compact,  but  it  is  an 
offense  against  the  whole  Union.  To  say  that  any 
State  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union,  is  to 
say  that  the  United  States  are  not  a  nation  ;  because 
it  would  be  a  solecism  to  contend,  that  any  part  of 
a  nation  might  dissolve  its  connection  with  the  other 
parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  without  committing 
any  offense.  Secession,  like  any  other  revolutionary 
act,  may  be  morally  justified  by  the  extremity  of 
oppression  ;  but  to  call  it  a  constitutional  right,  is 
confounding  the  meaning  of  terms ;  and  can  only 
be  done  through  gross  error,  or  to  deceive  those 
\vho  are  willing  to  assert  a  right,  but  would  pause 


106         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

before  they  made  a  revolution,  or  incur  the  penal 
ties  consequent  on  a  failure. 

Because  the  Union  was  formed  by  compact,  it  is 
said  the  parties  to  that  compact  may,  when  they 
feel  themselves  aggrieved,  depart  from  it ;  but  it  is 
precisely  because  it  is  a  compact,  that  they  can  not. 
A  compact  is  an  agreement,  or  binding  obligation. 
It  may,  by  its  terms,  have  a  sanction  or  penalty  for 
its  breach,  or  it  may  not.  If  it  contains  no  sanc 
tion,  it  may  be  broken  with  no  other  consequence 
than  moral  guilt;  if  it  have  a  sanction,  then  the 
breach  incurs  the  designated  or  implied  penalty. 
A  league  between  independent  nations  generally 
has  no  sanction,  other  than  a  moral  one ;  or,  if  it 
should  contain  a  penalty,  as  there  is  no  common 
superior,  it  can  not  be  enforced.*  A  government,  on 
the  contrary,  always  has  a  sanction,  express  or 
implied;  and  in  our  case,  it  is  both  necessarily 
implied,  and  expressly  given.  An  attempt  by  force 
of  arms  to  destroy  a  government,  is  an  offense,  by 
whatever  means  the  constitutional  compact  may 
have  been  formed ;  and  such  government  has  the 
right,  by  the  law  of  self  defense,  to  pass  acts  for 
punishing  the  offender,  unless  that  right  is  modified, 
restrained  or  resumed  by  the  constitutional  act.  In 
our  system,  although  it  is  modified  in  the  case  of 
treason,  yet  authority  is  expressly  given  to  pass  all 
laws  necessary  to  carry  its  powers  into  effect,  and 
under  this  grant  provision  has  been  made  for  pun- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  107 

ishing  acts,  which  obstruct  the  due  administration 
of  the  laws. 

It  would  seem  superfluous  to  add  anything  to 
show  the  nature  of  that  Union,  which  connects  us ; 
but  as  erroneous  opinions  on  this  subject  are  the 
foundation  of  doctrines  the  most  destructive  to  our 
peace,  I  must  give  some  further  development  to  my 
views  on  this  subject.  ]^To  one,  fellow-citizens,  has 
a  higher  reverence  for  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
States,  than  the  magistrate  who  now  addresses  you. 
Xo  one  would  make  greater  personal  sacrifices  or 
official  exertion  to  defend  them  from  violation  ;  but 
equal  care  must  be  taken  to  prevent,  on  their  part, 
an  improper  interference,  with,  or  resumption  of 
the  rights  they  have  vested  in  the  nation.  The  line 
has  not  been  so  distinctly  drawn,  as  to  avoid  doubts 
in  some  cases  of  the  exercise  of  power.  Men  of 
the  best  intentions  and  soundest  views  may  differ 
in  their  construction  of  some  parts  of  the  Constitu 
tion  ;  but  there  are  others,  on  which  dispassionate 
reflection  can  leave  no  doubt,  Of  this  nature 
appears  to  be  the  assumed  right  of  secession.  It 
rests,  as  we  have  seen,  on  the  alleged  undivided  sov 
ereignty  of  the  States,  and  on  their  having  formed, 
in  this  sovereign  capacity,  a  compact,  which  is 
called  the  Constitution,  from  which,  because  they 
made  it,  they  have  the  right  to  secede.  Both  of 
these  positions  are  erroneous,  and  some  of  the  argu 
ments  to  prove  them  so  have  been  anticipated. 

The  States  severally  have  not  retained  their  entire 


168         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUliLIC  SERVICES  OF 

sovereignty.  It  has  been  shown,  that,  in  becoming 
parts  of  a  nation,  not  members  of  a  league,  they 
surrendered  many  of  their  essential  parts  of  sover 
eignty.  The  right  to  make  treaties,  declare  war, 
levy  taxes,  exercise  exclusive  judicial  and  legislative 
powers,  were  all  of  them  functions  of  sovereign 
power.  The  States,  then,  for  all  these  purposes, 
were  no  longer  sovereign.  The  allegiance  of  their 
citizens  was  transferred,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States;  they  became 
American  citizens,  and  owed  obedience  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to  laws  made  in 
conformity  with  the  powers  it  vested  in  Congress. 
This  last  position  has  not  been,  and  can  not  be 
denied.  How,  then,  can  that  State  be  said  to  be 
sovereign  and  independent  whose  citizens  owe  obe 
dience  to  laws  not  made  by  it,  and  whose  magistrates 
are  sworn  to  disregard  those  laws  when  they  come 
in  conflict  with  those  passed  by  another?  What 
shows  conclusively  that  the  States  can  not  be  said 
to  have  reserved  an  undivided  sovereignty,  is,  that 
they  expressly  ceded  the  right  to  punish  treason, 
not  treason  against  their  separate  power,  but  treason 
against  the  United  States.  Treason  is  an  offense 
against  sovereignty,  and  sovereignty  must  reside  with 
the  power  to  punish  it.  But  the  reserved  rights  of 
the  States  are  not  less  sacred  because  they  have,  for 
their  common  interest,  made  the  General  govern 
ment  the  depository  of  these  powers. 

The  unity  of  our  political  character  (as  has  been 


«OVERXOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  160 

shown  for  another  purpose)  commenced  with  its  very 
existence.  Under  the  royal  government  we  had  no 
separate  character:  onr  opposition  to  its  oppressions 
began  as  united  colonies.  We  were  the  United  States 
under  the  Confederation,  and  the  name  was  per 
petuated,  and  the  Union  rendered  more  perfect  by 
the  Federal  Constitution.  In  none  of  these  stages 
did  we  consider  ourselves  in  any  other  light  than  as 
forming  one  nation.  Treaties  and  alliances  were 
made  in  the  name  of  all.  Troops  were  raised  for 
the  joint  defence.  How,  then,  with  all  these  proofs, 
that  under  all  changes  of  our  position  we  had, 
for  designated  purposes  and  with  defined  powers, 
<Teated  national  governments;  how  is  it,  that  the 
most  perfect  of  those  several  modes  of  union  should 
now  be  considered  as  a  mere  league,  that  may  be 
dissolved  at  pleasure  ?  It  is  from  an  abuse  of  terms. 
"  Compact"  is  used  as  synonymous  with  "  league,'5 
although  the  true  term  is  not  employed,  because  it 
would  at  once  show  the  fallacy  of  the  reasoning. 
It  would  not  do  to  say  that  our  Constitution  was 
only  a  league  ;  but  it  is  labored  to  prove  it  a  com 
pact  (which  in  one  sense  it  is),  and  then  to  argue  that, 
as  a  league  is  a  compact,  every  compact  between 
nations  must  of  course  be  a  league,  and  that  from 
such  an  engagement  every  sovereign  power  has  a 
right  to  recede.  But  it  has  been  shown,  that  in 
this  sense  the  States  are  not  sovereign,  and  that 
even  if  they  were,  and  the  national  Constitution  had 
been  formed  by  compact,  there  won  Id  be  no  right  in 
15 


170          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

any  one  State  to  exonerate  itself  from  its  obliga 
tions. 

So  obvious  are  the  reasons  which  forbid  this 
secession,  that  it  is  necessary  only  to  allude  to  them. 
The  Union  was  formed  for  the  benefit  of  all.  It 
was  produced  by  mutual  sacrifices  of  interests  and 
opinions.  Can  those  sacrifices  be  recalled?  Can 
the  States,  who  magnanimously  surrendered  their 
title  to  the  territories  of  the  West,  recall  the  grant  ? 
Will  the  inhabitants  of  the  inland  States  agree  to 
pay  the  duties,  that  may  be  imposed  without  their 
assent,  by  those  on  the  Atlantic  or  the  Gulf,  for 
their  own  benefit  ?  Shall  there  be  a  free  port  in  one 
State,  and  onerous  duties  in  another?  N"o  one 
believes  that  any  right  exists,  in  a  single  State,  to 
involve  the  others  in  these  and  countless  other  evils, 
contrary  to  the  engagements  solemnly  made.  Every 
one  must  see  that  the  other  States,  in  self-defence, 
must  oppose  it  at  all  hazards. 

These  are  the  alternatives  that  are  presented  by 
the  convention :  A  repeal  of  all  the  acts  for  raising 
revenue,  leaving  the  Government  without  the  means 
of  support,  or  an  acquiescence  in  the  dissolution  of 
our  Union  by  the  secession  of  one  of  its  members. 
When  the  first  was  proposed,  it  was  known  that  it 
could  not  be  listened  to  for  a  moment.  It  was 
known,  if  force  was  applied  to  oppose  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  that  it  must  be  repelled  by  force;  that 
Congress  could  not,  without  involving  itself  in  dis 
grace,  and  the  country  in  ruin,  accede  to  the  pro- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  171 

position;  and  yet,  if  this  is  not  done  on  a  given  day, 
or  if  any  attempt  is  made  to  execute  the  laws,  the 
State  is,  by  the  ordinance,  declared  to  be  out  of  the 
Union.  The  majority  of  a  convention  assembled 
for  the  purpose  have  dictated  these  terms,  or  rather 
•  this  rejection  of  all  terms,  in  the  name  of  the  people 
of  South  Carolina.  It  is  true  that  the  Governor  of 
the  State  speaks  of  the  submission  of  their  griev 
ances  to  a  convention  of  all  the  States,  which,  he 
says, they  "sincerely  and  anxiously  seek  and  desire." 
Yet  this  obvious  and  constitutional  mode  of  obtain 
ing  the  sense  of  the  other  States,  on  the  construction 
of  the  Federal  compact,  and  amending  it  if  necessary, 
has  never  been  attempted  by  those  who  have  urged 
the  State  on  to  this  destructive  measure.  The  State 
might  have  proposed  the  call  for  a  general  conven 
tion  to  the  other  States ;  and  Congress,  if  a  suf 
ficient  number  of  them  concurred,  must  have  called 
it.  But  the  first  magistrate  of  South  Carolina, 
when  he  expressed  a  hope  that,  "  on  a  review  by 
Congress  and  the  functionaries  of  the  General  gov 
ernment  of  the  merits  of  the  controversy,"  such  a 
convention  will  be  accorded  to  them,  must  have 
known  that  neither  Congress,  nor  any  functionary 
of  the  General  government,  has  authority  to  call 
such  a  convention,  unless  it  be  demanded  by  two- 
thirds  of  the  States.  This  suggestion,  then,  is 
another  instance  of  the  reckless  inattention  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  with  which  this  crisis 
has  been  madly  hurried  on;  or  of  the  attempt  to 


172         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

persuade  the  people  that  a  constitutional  remedy 
had  heen  sought  and  refused.  If  the  Legislature  of 
South  Carolina  "anxiously  desire"  a  general  con 
vention  to  consider  their  complaints,  why  have  they 
not  made  application  for  it,  in  the  way  the  Consti 
tution  points  out  ?  The  assertion  that  they  "  earn 
estly  seek  "  it,  is  completely  negatived  by  the  omis 
sion. 

This,  then,  is  the  position  in  which  we  stand.  A 
small  majority  of  the  citizens  of  one  State  in  the 
Union  have  elected  delegates  to  a  State  convention; 
that  convention  has  ordained  that  all  the  revenue 
laws  of  the  United  States  must  be  repealed,  or  that 
they  are  no  longer  a  member  of  this  Union.  The 
Governor  of  that  State  has  recommended  to  the 
Legislature  the  raising  of  an  army  to  carry  the 
secession  into  effect,  and  that  he  may  be  empowered 
to  give  clearances  to  vessels  in  the  name  of  the 
State.  No  act  of  violent  opposition  to  the  laws  has 
yet  been  committed,  but  such  a  state  of  things  is 
hourly  apprehended;  and  it  is  the  intent  of  this 
instrument  to  proclaim,  not  only  that  the  duty 
imposed  on  me  by  the  Constitution  "  to  take  care 
that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  shall  be  per 
formed  to  the  extent  of  the  powers  already  vested 
in  me  by  law,  or  of  such  others  as  the  wisdom  of 
Congress  shall  devise  and  entrust  to  me  for  that 
purpose,  but  to  warn  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina 
who  have  been  deluded  into  an  opposition  to  the 
laws,  of  the  danger  they  will  incur  by  obedience  to 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  173 

the  illegal  and  disorganizing  ordinance  of  the  con 
vention  ;  to  exhort  those  who  have  refused  to  sup 
port  it  to  persevere  in  their  determination  to  uphold 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  their  country ;  and  to 
point  out  to  all  the  perilous  situation  into  which  the 
good  people  of  that  State  have  been  led,  and  that 
the  course  they  are  urged  to  pursue  is  one  of  ruin 
and  disgrace  to  the  very  State  whose  rights  they 
aftect  to  support. 

Fellow  citizens  of  my  native  State,  let  me  not 
only  admonish  you,  as  the  First  Magistrate  of  our 
common  country,  not  to  incur  the  penalty  of  its 
laws,  but  use  the  influence  that  a  father  would  over 
his  children  whom  he  saw  rushing  to  certain  ruin. 
In  that  paternal  language,  with  that  paternal  feeling, 
let  me  tell  you,  my  countrymen,  that  you  are' 
deluded  by  men  who  are  either  deceived  themselves, 
or  wish  to  deceive  you.  Mark  under  what  pre 
tences  you  have  been  led  on  to  the  brink  of  insur 
rection  and  treason,  on  which  you  stand !  First,  a 
diminution  of  the  value  of  your  staple  commodity, 
lowered  by  over-production  in  other  quarters,  and 
the  consequent  diminution  in  the  value  of  your 
lands,  were  the  sole  effect  of  the  tariff  laws. 

The  effect  of  those  laws  was  confessedly  injurious, 
but  the  evil  was  greatly  exaggerated  by  the  un 
founded  theory  you  were  taught  to  believe,  that  its 
burthens  were  in  proportion  to  your  exports,  not  to 
your  consumption  of  imported  articles.  Your  pride 
was  roused  by  the  assertion  that  a  submission  to 


174 

those  laws  was  a  state  of  vassalage,  and  that  resist 
ance  to  them  was  equal,  in  patriotic  merit,  to  the 
opposition  our  fathers  offered  to  the  oppressive  laws 
of  Great  Britain.  You  were  told  that  this  opposi 
tion  might  be  peaceably — might  be  constitutionally 
made;  that  you  might  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of 
the  Union,  and  bear  none  of  its  burthens.  Eloquent 
appeals  to  your  passions,  to  your  State  pride,  to  your 
native  courage,  to  your  sense  of  real  injury,  were 
used,  to  prepare  you  for  the  period  when  the  mask, 
which  concealed  the  hideous  features  of  disunion, 
should  be  taken  off.  It  fell,  and  you  were  made  to 
look  with  complacency  on  objects  which,  not  long 
since,  you  would  have  regarded  with  horror.  Look 
back  to  the  arts  which  have  brought  you  to  this 
state — look  forward  to  the  consequences  to  which  it 
must  inevitably  lead!  Look  back  to  what  was  first 
told  you  as  an  inducement  to  enter  into  this  danger 
ous  course.  The  great  political  truth  was  repeated 
to  you,  that  you  had  the  revolutionary  right  of 
resisting  all  laws  that  were  palpably  unconstitutional 
and  intolerably  oppressive ;  it  was  added  that  the 
right  to  nullify  a  law  rested  on  the  same  principle, 
but  that  it  was  a  peaceable  remedy !  This  character 
which  was  given  to  it,  made  you  receive,  with  too 
much  confidence,  the  assertions  that  were  made  of 
the  unconstitutionality  of  the  law  and  its  oppressive 
effects.  Mark,  my  fellow  citizens,  that,  by  the 
admission  of  your  leaders,  the  unconstitutionality 
must  be  palpable,  or  it  will  not  justify  either  resist- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  175 

ance  or  nullification !  What  is  the  meaning  of  the 
word  palpable,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  used  ? 
that  which  is  apparent  to  every  one ;  that  which  no 
man  of  ordinary  intellect  will  fail  to  perceive.  Is 
the  unconstitutionally  of  these  laws  of  that  descrip 
tion?  Let  those  among  your  leaders  who  once 
approved  and  advocated  the  principle  of  protective 
duties,  answer  the  question ;  and  let  them  choose 
whether  they  will  be  considered  as  incapable,  then, 
of  perceiving  that  which  must  have  been  apparent 
to  every  man  of  common  understanding,  or  as 
imposing  upon  your  confidence,  and  endeavoring  to 
mislead  you  now.  In  either  ease,  they  are  unsafe 
guides  in  the  perilous  path  they  urge  you  to  tread. 
Ponder  well  on  this  circumstance,  and  you  will 
know  how  to  appreciate  the  exaggerated  language 
they  addressHo  you.  They  are  not  champions  of 
liberty  emulating  the  fame  of  our  revolutionary 
fathers;  nor  are  you  an  oppressed  people,  contend 
ing,  as  they  repeat  to  you,  against  worse  than  colo 
nial  vassalage. 

You  are  free  members  of  a  flourishing  and  happy 
Union.  There  is  no  settled  design  to  oppress  you. 
You  have  indeed  felt  the  unequal  operation  of  laws 
which  may  have  been  unwisely,  not  unconstitution 
ally  passed;  but  that  inequality  must  necessarily  be 
removed.  At  the  very  moment  when  you  were 
madly  urged  on  to  the, unfortunate  course  you  have 
begun,  a  change  in  public  opinion  had  commenced. 
The  nearly  approaching  payment  of  the  public  debt, 


176         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  the  consequent  necessity  of  a  diminution  of 
duties,  had  already  produced  a  considerable  reduc 
tion,  and  that,  too,  on  some  articles  of  general  con 
sumption  in  our  State.  The  importance  of  this 
change  was  underrated,  and  you  are  authoritatively 
told  that  no  further  alleviation  of  your  burthens 
were  to  be  expected  at  the  very  time  when  the  con 
dition  of  the  country  imperiously  demanded  such 
a  modification  of  the  duties  as  should  reduce  them 
to  a  just  and  equitable  scale.  But,  as  if  apprehen 
sive  of  the  effect  of  this  change  in  allaying  your 
discontents,  you  were  precipitated  into  the  fearful 
state  in  which  you  now  find  yourselves. 

I  have  urged  you  to  look  back  to  the  means  that 
were  used  to  hurry  you  on  to  the  position  you  have 
now  assumed,  and  forward  to  the  consequences  it  will 
produce.  Something  more  is  necessary.  Contem 
plate  the  condition  of  that  country  of  which  you 
still  form  an  important  part.  Consider  its  Govern 
ment,  uniting  in  one  bond  of  common  interest  and 
general  protection  so  many  different  States, — giving 
to  all  their  inhabitants  the  proud  title  of  American 
citizens,  protecting  their  commerce,  securing  their 
literature  and  their  arts  ;  facilitating  their  intercom 
munication  ;  defending  their  frontiers,  and  making 
their  names  respected  in  the  remotest  parts  of  the 
earth.  Consider  the  extent  of  its  territory ;  its 
increasing  and  happy  population ;  its  advance  in  arts, 
which  render  life  agreeable  ;  and  the  sciences,  which 
elevate  the  mind  !  See  education  spreading  the  lights 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTOX.  177 

of  religion,  morality  and  general  information  into 
every  cottage  in  this  wide  extent  of  our  Territories 
and  States !  Behold  it  as  the  asylum  where  the 
wretched  and  the  oppressed  find  a  refuge  and  sup 
port  !  Look  on  this  picture  of  happiness  and  honor, 
and  say  :  "  We,  too,  are  citizens  of  America!  Carolina 
is  one  of  these  proud  States, — her  arms  have  de 
fended, — her  best  blood  has  cemented  this  happy 
Union  !  "  And  then  add,  if  you  can,  without  horror 
and  remorse,  "  this  happy  Union  we  will  dissolve ; 
this  picture  of  peace  and  prosperity  we  will  deface ; 
this  free  intercourse  we  will  interrupt ;  these  fertile 
fields  we  will  deluge  with  blood ;  the  protection  of 
that  glorious  flag  wre  renounce;  the  very  name  of 
Americans  we  discard.  "  And  for  what,  mistaken 
men, — for  what  do  you  throw  away  these  inestima 
ble  blessings?  for  what  would  you  exchange  your 
share  in  the  advantages  and  honor  of  the  Union  ? 
For  the  dream  of  separate  independence, — a  dream 
interrupted  by  bloody  conflicts  with  your  neighbors, 
and  a  vile  dependence  on  a  foreign  power.  If  your 
leaders  could  succeed  in  establishing" a  separation, 
what  would  be  your  situation  ?  Are  you  united  at 
home, — are  you  free  from  the  apprehension  of  civil 
discord,  with  all  its  fearful  consequences?  Do  our 
neighboring  republics,  every  day  suffering  some 
new  revolution,  or  contending  with  some  new  in 
surrection, — do  they  excite  your  envy?  But  the 
dictates  of  a  high  duty  obliges  me  solemnly  to 
announce  that  you  can  not  succeed.  The  laws  of  the 


178  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

United  States  must  be  executed.  I  have  no  discre 
tionary  power  on  the  subject, — my  duty  is  emphat 
ically  pronounced  in  the  Constitution.  Those  who 
told  you  that  you  might  peaceably  prevent  their 
execution,  deceived  you, — they  could  not  have  been 
deceived  themselves.  They  know  that  a  forcible 
opposition  could  alone  prevent  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  and  they  know  that  such  opposition  must  be 
repelled.  Their  object  is  disunion;  but  be  not 
deceived  by  names ;  disunion,  by  armed  force,  is 
treason.  Are  you  really  ready  to  incur  its  guilt  ?  If 
you  are,  on  the  heads  of  the  instigators  of  the  act 
be  the  dreadful  consequences, — on  their  heads  be 
the  dishonor,  but  on  yours  may  fall  the  punishment ; 
on  your  unhappy  State  will  inevitably  fall  all  the 
evils  of  the  conflict  you  force  upon  the  Government 
of  your  country.  It  can  not  accede  to  the  mad 
project  of  disunion,  of  which  you  would  be  the  first 
victims, — its  First  Magistrate  can  not,  if  he  would, 
avoid  the  performance  of  his  duty ;  the  consequen 
ces  must  be  fearful  for  you,  distressing  to  your  fel 
low  citizens  here,  and  to  the  friends  of  good  gov 
ernment  throughout  the  world.  Its  enemies  have 
beheld  our  prosperity  with  a  vexation  they  could 
not  conceal, — it  was  a  standing  refutation  of  their 
slavish  doctrines,  and  they  will  point  to  our  discord 
with  the  triumph  of  malignant  joy.  It  is  yet  in 
your  power  to  disappoint  them.  There  is  yet  time 
to  show  that  the  descendants  of  the  Pinckneys, 
the  Sumters,  the  Rutledges,  and  of  the  thousand 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  179 

other  names,  which  adorn  the  pages  of  your  revo 
lutionary  history,  will  not  abandon  that  Union,  to 
support  which  so  many  of  them  fought,  and  bled, 
and  died. 

I  adjure  you,  as  you  honor  their  memory, — as  you 
love  the  cause  of  freedom,  to  which  they  dedicated 
their  lives, — as  you  prize  the  peace  of  your  country, 
the  lives  of  its  best  citizens,  and  your  own  fair  fame, 
to  retrace  your  steps.  Snatch  from  the  archives  of 
your  State,  the  disorganizing  edict  of  its  conven 
tion, — bid  its  members  to  re-assemble,  and  promul 
gate  the  decided  expressions  of  your  will  to  remain 
in  the  path  which  alone  can  conduct  you  to  safety, 
prosperity  and  honor.  Tell  them  that,  compared 
to  disunion,  all  other  evils  are  light,  because  that 
brings  with  it  an  accumulation  of  all.  Declare  that 
you  will  never  take  the  field  unless  the  star  span 
gled  banner  of  your  country  shall  float  over  you  ; 
that  you  will  not  be  stigmatized  when  dead,  and 
dishonored  and  scorned  while  you  live,  as  the 
authors  of  the  first  attack  on  the  Constitution  of 
your  country.  Its  destroyers  you  can  not  be.  You 
may  disturb  its  peace, — you  may  interrupt  the 
course  of  its  prosperity, — you  may  cloud  its  reputa 
tion  for  stability ;  but  its  tranquility  will  be  restored, 
its  prosperity  will  return,  and  the  stain  upon  its 
national  character  will  be  transferred,  and  remain 
an  eternal  blot  on  the  memory  of  those  who  caused 
the  disorder. 

Fellow  citizens  of  the  United  States  !   The  threat 


180          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  UF 

of  unhallowed  disunion, — the  names  of  those  once 
respected,  by  whom  it  is  uttered, — the  array  of  mil 
itary  force  to  support  it, — denote  the  approach  of  a 
crisis  in  our  affairs,  on  which  the  continuance  of  our 
unexampled  prosperity,  our  political  existence,  and 
perhaps  that  of  all  free  governments,  may  depend. 
The  conjuncture  demanded  a  free,  a  full,  and  ex 
plicit  enunciation,  not. only  of  my  intentions,  but  of 
my  principles  of  action;  and  as  the  claim  was 
asserted  of  a  right  by  a  State  to  annul  the  laws  of  the 
Union,  and  even  to  secede  from  it  at  pleasure,  a 
frank  exposition  of  my  opinions  in  relation  to  the 
origin  and  form  of  our  government,  and  the  con 
struction  I  give  to  the  instrument  by  which  it  was 
created,  seemed  to  be  proper.  Having  the  fullest 
confidence  in  the  justness  of  the  legal  and  consti 
tutional  opinion  of  my  duties,  which  has  been 
expressed,  I  rely,  with  equal  confidence,  on  your  un^ 
divided  support  in  my  determination  to  execute  the 
laws, — to  preserve  the  Union  by  all  constitutional 
means, — to  arrest,  if  possible,  by  moderate  but  firm 
measures,  the  necessity  of  a  recourse  to  force ;  and, 
if  it  be  the  will  of  Heaven,  that  the  recurrence  of 
its  primeval  curse  on  man  for  the  shedding  of  a 
brother's  blood  should  fall  upon  our  land,  that  it  be 
not  called  down  by  any  offensive  act  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States. 

Fellow  citizens !  the  momentous  case  is  before 
you.  On  your  undivided  support  of  your  Govern^ 
ment  depends  the  decision  of  the  great  question  it 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  181 

involves,  whether  your  sacred  Union  will  be  pre 
served,  and  the  blessings  it  secures  to  us  as  one  peo 
ple,  shall  be  perpetuated.  No  one  can  doubt  that 
the  unanimity  with  which  that  decision  will  be  ex 
pressed,  will  be  such  as  to  inspire  new  confidence  in 
republican  institutions,  and  that  the  prudence,  the 
wisdom,  and  the  courage  which  it  will  bring  to  their 
defence,  mil  transmit  them  unimpaired  and  invigor 
ated  to  our  children. 

May  the  Great  Ruler  of  Nations  grant  that  the 
signal  blessings  with  which  He  has  favored  ours,  may 
not,  by  the  madness  of  party  or  personal  ambition, 
be  disregarded  and  lost ;  and  may  His  wise  provi 
dence  bring  those  who  have  produced  this  crisis  to 
see  their  folly,  before  they  feel  the  misery  of  civil 
strife,  and  inspire  a  returning  veneration  for  that 
Union,  which,  if  we  may  dare  to  penetrate  His 
designs,  He  has  chosen  as  the  only  means  of  attain 
ing  the  high  destinies  to  which  we  may  reasonably 
aspire. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal  of 
the  United  States  to  be  hereunto  affixed,  having 
signed  the  same  with  my  hand. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  10th  day  of 
December,  in   the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  of  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States  the  fifty-seventh. 
By  the  President : 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

EDWD.  LIVINGSTON,  Secretary  of  State. 


182          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

During  the  extra  session  of  the  General  Assembly, 
Governor  Morton's  labors  accumulated  to  an  extent 
scarcely  ever  equaled  in  the  history  of  any  State, 
and  in  their  performance  he  ever  had  but  the  one 
object  in  view, — the  suppression  of  the  rebellion, 
lie  laid  aside  all  his  party  prejudices,  and  in  dispens 
ing  favors  rather  showed  partiality  to  his  former 
political  foes  than  to  his  friends.  Loyalty  and  capac 
ity  were  the  only  qualifications  for  position  he  recog 
nized,  and  during  the  early  stages  of  the  war  he 
really  appeared  to  look  for  these  in  the  democratic 
party.  To  so  great  an  extent,  in  fact,  did  he  show 
his  liberality  toward  the  democracy,  that  many  of 
his  republican  friends  grew  jealous  and  became  some 
what  embittered  toward  him. 

In  proof  of  this  assertion  we  cite  briefly  an  affair 
which  occurred  in  the  Indiana  Legislature  during 
the  special  session  of  1861. 

Certain  republican  members  of  that  body  were 
highly  dissatisfied  with  the  Governor's  appointment 
of  the  lion.  Horace  Heffron  to  the  office  of  major 
in  one  of  the  Indiana  regiments,  and  assigned  as  a 
reason  for  their  dissatisfaction  that  Heffron  had 
given  expression  to  disloyal  sentiments  during  the 
regular  session  of  the  previous  winter.  This  feeling 
finally  culminated  in  an  attempt  to  pass  a  vote  of 
censure  upon  the  Governor  for  having  appointed 
Heffron,  accompanied  by  an  excited  discussion,  in 
which  some  pretty  hard  things  were  said  by  the 
republicans  against  the  Governor. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  183 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Precarious  condition  of  Kentucky  in  consequence  of  the  attempt 
of  Magoffin  and  others  to  force  it  into  a  neutral  position — 
Magoffin  tries  to  induce  the  executives  of  Indiana  and  Ohio  to 
join  him  in  an  attempt  to  procure  a  suspension  of  hostilities 
between  Government  and  Confederate  States  until  meeting  of 
Congress  in  extra  session — Telegraphic  correspondence — Secret 
agents  appointed  by  Governor  Morton  to  watch  movements  of 
Kentucky  rebels—  Difficulties  in  discharging  Indiana  troops — 
Governor  Morton's  efficiency  in  settling  these  difficulties — His 
promptness  in  responding  to  President's  second  call — Kentucky 
invaded  by  secessionists — Morton's  efficient  aid  in  their  expul 
sion — He  furnishes  more  troops — His  prompt  attention  to  the 
wants  of  soldiers. 


About  this  time  it  began  to  appear  that  the  State 
of  Kentucky  was  in  a  very  precarious  condition. 
The  Governor  of  that  State  (Magoffin)  was  at  heart 
a  secessionist;  had  refused,  most  positively,  to  respond 
to  the  President's  call  for  volunteers,  and  while  making 
external  professions  of  a  desire  to  hold  Kentucky  in 
a  neutral  position,  really  appeared  to  be  secretly 
rendering  the  disunionists  all  the  aid  in  his  power. 
Not  only  did  Magoffin  play  into  the  hands  of  the 
southern  traitors,  by  preventing  Kentucky  from  per 
forming  her  duty,  but  he  endeavored  to  drag  Indiana, 
Ohio,  and  other  northern  border  States  into  the  bog 


184         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  neutrality,  and  tried  to  induce  them  to  assume 
the  character  of  sovereign  mediators  between  the 
Government  and  the  seceded  States. 

Whether  Magoffin  really  intended  to  check  the 
war  movements  in  the  loyal  border  States  by  attract 
ing  their  attention  to  his  so-called  pacific  measures, 
or  whether  he  had  a  good  motive  in  view,  we,  of 
course,  have  no  means  of  fully  determining;  but 
that  his  refusal  to  comply  with  the  demands  of  the 
Government,  and  his  presumptive  attempt  to  dictate 
terms  of  adjustment  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Confederate  authorities,  had  the  effect  to  prevent 
the  prosecution  of  measures  necessary  to  the  defence 
of  Kentucky,  and  to  lay  that  State  open  to  military 
occupation  by  the  rebels,  can  be  doubted  by  no 
rational  observer. 

It  appears  to  have  occurred  to  Governor  Magoffin 
that  the  executives  of  Indiana  and  Ohio  were  of 
that  pliable  character  which  is  easily  wrought  upon. 
The  following  telegraphic  correspondence  shows 
how  much  he  was  mistaken  in  this  notion,  especially 
as  it  regarded  Governor  Morton : 

Telegraph  from.  Governor  Magoffin  to  Governor  Mor 
ton,  received  April  25,  186i. 

Will  you  co-operate  with  me  in  a  proposition  to 
the  Government  at  Washington  for  peace,  by  the 
Border  States,  as  mediators  between  the  contending 
parties?  B.  MAGOFFIN. 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  185 

Governor  Morton's  answer  to  the  preceding  telegraph, 

sent  April  25,  1861. 

I  will  unite  in  any  effort  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Union  and  peace  which  shall  be  constitutional  and 
honorable  to  Indiana  and  the  Federal  government, 
and  will,  if  you  so  appoint,  meet  you  to-morrow  at 
Jeffersonville.  Answer. 

0.  P.  MORTON, 
Governor  of  Indiana. 

Telegraph  from  Governor  Magoffin  to  Governor  Mor 
ton,  received  April  26,  1861. 

I  have  answered  a  dispatch  from  Governor  Den- 
nison,  of  Ohio,  I  would  meet  his  representatives  or 
send  commissioners  at  Spencer  House  in  Cincinnati, 
on  Tuesday  evening,  4  o'clock.  Please  meet  us 
there  or  send  commissioners.  I  can  not  go  to  Je£- 
fersonville  to-morrow.  Answer. 

B.  MAGOFFIN, 

INDIANAPOLIS,  April  28,  1861. 
To  Governor  Magoffin: 

I  will  meet  your  Excellency  at  the  Spencer  House, 
Cincinnati,  on  Tuesday  next,  at  4  P.  M.  I  expect 
to  meet  you  in  person. 

O.  P.  MORTON, 


16 


186          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

FRANKFORT,  IVY.,  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  1 
April  29,  1861.      / 

Hon.  0.  P.  Morton  and  lion.  Win.  Dennison,  Gov 
ernors  of  Indiana  and  Ohio : 
GENTLEMEN. — Col.  Thos.  L.  Critteuden  is  hereby 

fully  authorized  to  represent  me  in  the  conference 

to  be  held  at  4  o'clock,  to-morrow  evening  at  the 

Spencer  House  at  Cincinnati. 

"Respectfully,  B.  MAGOFFIN. 

CINCINNATI,  April  30,  1861. 
To  Hon.   0.  P.  Morton,   Governor  of  the  State  of 

Indiana : 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  been  instructed  by  the  Hon. 
B.  Magoftin,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Kentucky, 
to  solicit  the  co-operation  of  yourself  and  Hon. 
Win.  Dennison,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  in 
an  effort  to  bring  about  a  truce  between  the  General 
government  •  and  the  seceded  States  until  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress  in  extraordinary  session,  in  the 
hope  that  the  action  of  that  body  may  point  out 
the  way  to  a  peaceful  solution  of  our  national 
troubles.  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  obedient  servant, 

T.  L.  CRITTENDEN. 

STATE  OF  INDIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  1 
INDIANAPOLIS,  May  1,  1861.      j 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  reply  to  the  note  of  Colonel  T.  L. 
Crittenden,  of  yesterday's  date,  informing  me  that 
he  had  been  instructed  by  you  to  solicit  the  co-ope- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  187 

ration  of  Governor  Dennison  and  myself,  "  in  an 
effort  to  bring  about  a  truce  between  the  General 
government  and  the  seceded  States  until  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress  in  extraordinary  session,"  it  be 
comes  my  duty  to  state  that  I  do  not  recognize  the 
right  of  any  State  to  act  as  a  mediator  between  the 
Federal  government  and  a  rebellious  State. 

I  hold  that  Indiana  and  Kentucky  are  but  inte 
gral  parts  of  the  nation,  and  as  such  are  subject  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  bound 
to  obey  the  requisitions  of  the  President,  issued  in  pur 
suance  of  his  constitutional  authority ;  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  every  State  government  to  prohibit,  by  all 
means  in  its  power,  the  transportation  from  within 
its  own  limits  of  arms,  military  stores  -and  provis 
ions,  to  any  State  in  open  rebellion  and  hostility  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  re 
strain  her  citizens  from  all  acts  giving  aid  and  com 
fort  to  the  enemy;  that  there  is  no  ground  in  the 
Constitution  midway  between  the  Government  and 
a  rebellious  State,  upon  which  another  State  can 
stand,  holding  both  in  check ;  that  a  State  must 
take  her  stand  upon  the  one  side  or  the  other;  and 
I  invoke  the  State  of  Kentucky  by  all  the  sacred 
tics  that  bind  us  together,  to  take  her  stand  with 
Indiana  promptly  and  efficiently  on  the  side  of  the 
Union.  The  action  of  the  Federal  government  in 
the  present  contest  being  strictly  iu  accordance 
with  the  Constitution  and  the  law  of  the  land,  and 
entertaining  the  views  above  indicated,  I  am  com- 


188          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  Of 

pelled  to  decline  the  co-operation  solicited  by  you. 
I  take  this  occasion  to  renew  the  expression  of  my 
earnest  desire  that  Kentucky  may  remain  in  the 
Union ;  and  that  the  political,  social,  and  commer 
cial  relations  which  exist  between  her  and  Indiana 
may  never  be  disturbed,  but  be  cemented  and 
strengthened  through  all  coming  years. 

With  great  respect,  0.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 
To  HON.  B.  MAGOFFIN,  Governor  of  Kentucky. 

From  the  date  of  this  correspondence,  forward 
until  the  close  of  Magoffin's  administration,  Governor 
Morton  was  virtually  the  governor  of  Kentucky. 
He  saw  that  the  legitimate  tendency  of  the  professed 
armed  neutrality  of  that  State,  was  to  throw  it  open 
to  invasion  by  the  rebel  army ;  that  any  effort  on 
the  part  of  Kentucky  to  maintain  a  neutral  position, 
must  result  in  more  real  harm  to  the  Government 
than  open  rebellion  ;  that  to  deny  the  army  of  the 
United  States  free  transit  across  the  State  of  Ken 
tucky,  was  in  itself  an  act  of  rebellion,  and  that 
the  Ohio  and  Indiana  border  would,  in  the  event 
of  such  act,  be  in  a  more  exposed  condition  than 
if  Kentucky  were  to  take  her  place  amongst  the 
seceded  States. 

Acting  with  his  usual  promptness  and  energy,  he 
availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  to  urge  the 
Kentucky  Unionists  to  use  all  possible  endeavors  to 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  189 

place  their   State  uncompromisingly  on  the  side  of 
the  Union. 

lie  despatched  numbers  of  secret  agents  to  Ken 
tucky  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  native  secess 
ionists,  and  ascertain  from  time  to  time  the  inten 
tions  of  the  Confederate  authorities  with  respect  to 
that  State.  By  this  means  he  was  constantly  advised 
in  reference  to  all  the  hidden  plots  and  traitorous 
designs  of  both  the  Kentucky  rebels  and  their  con 
federate  allies,  in  the  seceded  States.  He  communi 
cated  to  the  powers  at  Washington,  the  defenseless 
condition  of  the  Indiana  and  Ohio  border,  and 
pressed  upon  the  President  and  the  War  Depart 
ment,  the  importance  of  fortifications  and  gunboats 
along  the  Ohio  river.  In  this  latter  effort  he  was 
twitted  by  the  then  Secretary  of  War,  as  being 
"  skeert,"  to  use  the  highly  classical  language  of  the 
Secretary,  but  time  demonstrated  that  he  was  right, 
and  that  had  his  timely  advice  been  taken,  it  had 
been  much  better  for  the  Government. 

Governor  Morton,  from  the  beginning  of  the  dif 
ficulties  in  Kentucky,  urged  constantly  upon  the 
Government,  the  necessity  of  taking  decided  steps 
toward  the  occupation  of  that  State  by  the  United 
States  forces,  and  ever  held  in  contempt  the  soft 
gloved  policy,  adopted  by  some  who  were  high  in 
authority,  of  respecting  Kentucky's  neutrality. 

Toward  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1861, 
the  Indiana  volunteers  sent  to  Western  Virginia 
returned,  covered  with  imperishable  honors.  They 


190          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

had  beaten  the  enemy  in  every  skirmish,  vanquished 
him  on  every  battle-field".  These  troops  having  had 
little  experience  as  soldiers,  and  being  unused  to  the 
slow,  complicated  workings  of  "  red-tapeism  "  were 
poorly  prepared  for  any  manifestation  of  neglect  on 
the  part  of  military  officials ;  and  the  restiveness 
they  showed  on  account  of  their  unexpected  deten 
tion,  before  being  mustered  out  of  the  service  and 
paid,  threatened  at  times  to  result  in  open  mutiny 
and  violence.  Day  after  day  were  the  heroes  of 
Laurel  Hill  and  Rich  Mountain  assured  that  the  next 
day  they  would  be  discharged  and  paid,  only  to  be  dis 
appointed,  until  at  length  they  came  to  believe  that 
there  was  not  the  slightest  degree  of  confidence  to 
be  placed  in  any  of  the  regular  army  officers,  and 
became  so  highly  exasperated  that  they  threatened 
the  demolishment  of  the  Government  offices  and 
the  lives  of  their  deceivers.  But  throughout  all 
this  period  of  excitement  there  was  one  man  in 
whom  the  soldiers  had  implicit  faith,  and  that  man 
was  the  ever  faithful  Governor  of  the  gallant 
Hoosier  State.  He,  and  only  he,  could  be  relied  on 
in  this  time  of  threatened  danger  to  the  peace  of 
the  Hoosier  Capital, — in  this  critical  period  when 
the  honor  of  Indiana  came  nearer  being  sullied  than 
at  any  time  before  or  since.  Only  he  could  calm 
the  passions  of  the  enraged  and  apparently  out 
raged  soldiers,  and  induce  them  to  await  peacefully, 
the  action  of  the  Government. 

After  these  troops  were  mustered  out  of  the  ser- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  191 

vice  and  paid,  an  effort  was  immediately  made  to 
reorganize  the  old  regiments ;  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  but  for  the  high  regard  in  which  the  three 
months  men  held  Governor  Morton,  these  regiments 
would  have  been  very  slow  in  recruiting;  for  many 
of  those  who  had  served  in  the  first  Virginia  cam 
paign  had  been  so  sorely  vexed  by  their  unreasona 
ble  detention  after  the  expiration  of  their  time, 
before  being  paid  off,  that  they  had  sworn  never 
again  to  enter  the  service.  But  the  confidence  with 
which  these  men  were  inspired  by  the  energetic 
efforts  made  in  their  behalf  by  Indiana's  noble  Gov 
ernor,  induced  many  to  rejoin  their  old  regiments, 
despite  the  indifference  which  had  been  manifested 
toward  them  by  regular  army  oificials,  and  their 
own  previous  determination  to  enter  the  ranks  no 
more. 

About  the  time  of  the  expiration  of  the  term  of 
the  three  months  volunteers,  the  reverse  of  our 
arms  at  Bull  Run,  awakened  the  Administration 
and  the  country'  to  the  fact  that  the  foe  with  which 
the  Government  was  contending  was  by  no  means 
an  inferior  one,  and  that  to  conquer  this  foe  required 
a  vastly  larger  force  than  was  then  in  the  field. 
Congress  having,  in  the  mean  time,  met  in  extra 
ordinary  session,  and  passed  an  act  authorizing  the 
President  to  call  out  half  a  million  of  men  for  a 
term  of  three  years,  or  until  the  termination  of  the 
war,  a  new  requisition  was  made  by  the  national 
executive,  and  in  response  to  that  requisition,  Gov- 


192          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ernor  Morton,  by  the  first  of  September,  1861,  had 
110  less  than  sixteen  new  regiments  organized,  and 
many  of  them  in  the  field,  well  armed  and  equipped ; 
and  by  September  20th,  the  old  six  regiments  were 
reorganized,  and  the  llth  Zouaves,  under  the  gal 
lant  Lew.  Wallace  was  doing  noble  service.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Governor  had  visited  Washington 
and  procured  the  admission  of  the  12th  and  16th 
State  regiments,  Colonels  John  M.  Wallace  and 

O 

Pleasant  A.  Hackleman,  into  the  United  States  ser 
vice  for  the  term  for  which  they  had  enlisted  for 
State  service, — twelve  months.  By  this  stroke  of 
economy  two  of  Indiana's  most  efficient  regiments 
were  transmitted  from  an  inactive  to  an  active  field, 
and  the  expense  of  clothing  and  subsisting  them 
shifted  from  the  State  to  the  General  Government. 
An  incident  attending  the  transfer  of  these  regi 
ments  to  the  United  States  service,  which  occurred 
at  Indianapolis,  under  the  author's  eye,  is  worth 
relating.  Many  of  the  members  of  the  12th  regi 
ment,  were  dissatisfied  with  the  old  smooth-bore 
muskets  with  which  they  were  supplied,  and  there 
not  being  on  hand  enough  rifled  muskets  to  arm 
the  entire  regiment,  only  two  companies  were  pro 
vided  with  those  efficient  arms.  The  consequences 
were  a  considerable  excitement  among  the  companies 
who  had  to  retain  their  smooth-bores,  and  with 
many  of  the  soldiers,  a  stubborn  refusal  to  be  trans 
ferred.  Colonel  John  Wallace,  a  good  soldier  and 
a  gallant  officer,  was  highly  mortified  by  this  mani- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  193 

festation  of  rudeness  on  the  part  of  his  brave  boys, 
and,  with  other  noble  officers  of  his  regiment,  used 
his  best  efforts  to  quiet  the  disturbance,  and  pacify 
the  soldiers.  But  these  efforts  seemed  entirely  fruit 
less.  The  soldiers  of  the  12th  knew  that  nearly 
every  Indiana  regiment  which  had  gone  into  the 
field,  had  been  furnished  with  the  very  best  of 
minie  muskets,  and  they  were  not  .willing  to  leave 
their  State  less  able  to  punish  rebels  and  vindicate 
the  honor  of  Hoosierdom,  than  those  who  had  pre 
ceded  them;  and  the  greater  the  endeavors  to 
smother  the  fire  of  dissatisfaction,  thd  hotter  it 
appeared  to  become.  Finally,  as  a  last  resort,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  was  requested  to  make  an  effort  to 
conciliate  matters.  Having  the  12th  drawn  up  in 
line,  on  the  west  side  of  the  capitol,  he  addressed 
the  soldiers  in  his  usual  brief  and  earnest  manner, 
assuring  them  that  their  Government  loudly  de 
manded  their  assistance ;  that  he  regretted,  as" much 
as  they,  that  they  could  not  be  furnished  the  best 
arms  in  the  service,  but  that  such  arms  could  not 
then  be  had;  that  if  they  waited  until  such  arms 
could  be  obtained,  another  Bull  Run  defeat  might 
be  the  result ;  and  that  if  they  Would  proceed  to 
Washington  with  the  arms  they  had,  they  should 
all  be  provided  with  rifled  muskets  at  the  earliest 
period  possible. 

At  the  close  of  the  Governor's  appeal,  he  asked 
them  if  they  were  satisfied,  and  every  soldier  ans- 


17 


194         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

wered,  yes,  and   the  regiment  gave  three  hearty 
cheers  "  for  Governor  Morton." 

This  is  another  instance  in  which  is  most  strik 
ingly  manifested  the  unbounded  confidence  reposed 
in  the  Governor  by  the  Hoosier  volunteers  at  this 
early  stage  of  the  rebellion.  Such  confidence  can 
only  be  inspired  among  soldiers  by  that  active  sym 
pathy  and  promptness  in  the  fulfillment  of  promises 
which  characterize  Indiana's  greatest  Governor; 

General  McClellan,  having  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run  been  promoted  to  the  office  of 
Lieutenant-General  of  the  United  States  forces, 
and  having  proven  in  the  Western  Virginia  cam 
paign  the  superiority  of  Indiana  volunteers,  decided 
to  place  Hoosier  regiments  in  every  division  of  the 
army.  Accordingly,  Indiana  troops  were  sent  to 
Washington,  to  Missouri,  to  Western  Virginia  and 
Kentucky.  The  most  important  of  these  depart 
ments  at  this  period  was  that  of  Kentucky. 

It  appeared  to  be  the  policy  of  the  Confederates 
to  overrun  that  State,  secure  the  assistance  of  the 
native  secessionists,  and  penetrate  the  North.  In  the 
carrying  out  of  this  policy  the  South  anticipated 
little  difficulty.  The  declared  intention  of  Governor 
Magoffin  and  other  leading  spirits,  to  maintain  the 
neutrality  of  Kentucky,  was  considered  by  the  rebels 
as  highly  favorable  to  their  proposed  aggressive 
movements,  and  they  had  not  the  least  idea  that  any 
knowledge  of  their  designs  had  reached  any  North 
ern  State,  or  that  efficient  defensive  measures  were 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  195 

contemplated  by  either  the  loyalists  of  Kentucky, 
or  the  people  north  of  the  Ohio.  It  is  true,  they 
were  apprised  of  the  fact  that  General  (then  Colonel) 
Rousseau  was  organizing  a  brigade  of  Union  sol 
diers  at  Jeffersonville,  Ind. ;  but  as  the  United  States 
Government  had  so  long  respected  Kentucky's  neu 
trality,  it  was  presumed  that  Rousseau's  brigade 
was  designed  for  operations  elsewhere  than  in  Ken 
tucky.  In  this  latter  presumption,  the  rebels  were 
correct,  as  will  presently  be  shown ;  but  in  the  sup 
position  that  their  movements  were  not  watched 
they  were  mistaken  ;  for  the  vigilance  of  Governor 
Morton's  agents  disallowed  the  unexpected  develop 
ment  of  any  secret  scheme. 

On  the  16th  September,  1861,  Governor  Morton 
received  a  dispatch  from  one  of  his  secret  agents, 
then  watching  the  movements  of  Kentucky  rebels 
at  Frankfort,  where  the  Legislature  was  in  extra 
session,  as  follows,  to-wit : 

FRANKFORT,  September  16, 1861. 
Governor  0.  P.  Morton: 

DEAR  SIR  : — A  telegram  came  here  last  night  from 
General  Zollicoffer  to  Governor  Magoffiu,  stating 
that  he  (Zollicoffer)  had  marched  his  brigade  through 
the  Cumberland  Gap  into  Kentucky  and  taken  pos 
session  of  Log  Mountain  Pass,  which  is  situated 
some  14  miles  from  the  Tennessee  line.  F . 

On  the  same  day  (September  16th)  General  Buck- 


196          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ner  left  Bowling  Green,  where  for  some  time  he 
had  been  stationed,  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  for 
Louisville.*  On  his  way  thither,  near  Cave  City,  a 
brave  and  truly  noble  patriot  named  Bird,  inter 
cepted  his  progress  by  running  ahead  of  a  station, 
at  which  the  train  containing  Buckner's  forces  had 
stopped  to  wood  and  water,  and  tearing  up  several 
yards  of  the  rail  track.  This  bold  deed  which  has 
immortalized  the  name  of  him  who  performed  it, 
for  the  time  saved  Louisville,  and  was  supposed  by 
the  Louisville  Journal,  to  have  been  the  one  act 
which  prevented  the  occupation  of  that  city  by  the 
rebels.  But  it  appears  that,  notwithstanding  the 
daring  and  timely  intervention  of  the  gallant  Bird, 
Louisville  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Buck 
ner's  forces,  eventually,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
prompt,  energetic  action  of  the  Governor  of  Indiana. 
For,  on  the  17th  of  September,  Colonel  Rousseau, 
with  his  Kentucky  brigade,  stationed  at  Jefferson- 
ville,  was  ordered  to  St.  Louis,  which  order,  if  it 
had  been  obeyed,  would  have  stripped  Louisville  of 
troops,  and  rendered  the  occupation  of  that  city,  by 
Buckner,  an  easy  task,  so  soon  as  he  had  repaired 
his  damaged  track. 

But  Governor  Morton,  learning  through  one  of 
his  agents  that  Rousseau  was  on  the  eve  of  starting 
for  St.  Louis,  had  the  order  to  march  countermanded, 

*  These  troops  had  been  originally  mustered  into  the  Ken 
tucky  State  service,  as  neutral  State  Guards. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  197 

ordered  tlie  troops  to  cross  the  Ohio  into  Kentucky, 
and  in  the  meantime  sent  every  available  man  from 
Indiana  to  the  defence  of  Louisville,  and  thus 
insured  its  safety. 

Governor  Morton,  perceiving  that  Kentucky's 
neuttality  was  at  an  end,  and  that  her  soil  was 
actually  invaded  by  the  rebels,  withdrew  his  secret 
agents,  and  appealed  to  the  people  of  Indiana  to 
render  Kentucky  all  possible  aid  in  rescuing  herself 
from  the  hands  of  the  secessionists.  Regiment  after 
regiment  responded  to  the  call,  and  ere  the  lapse  of 
many  months,  Bowling  Green,  a  strongly  fortified 
rebel  position,  was  occupied  by  Federal  troops,  Zol- 
licoffer  was  signally  defeated  at  Mill  Spring,  his 
forces  scattered  in  confusion,  himself  killed,  and 
the  soil  of  Kentucky  cleared  of  rebel  troops. 

It  is  in  reference  to  this  timely  energetic  action 
of  Governor  Morton,  in  behalf  of  Kentucky,  that 
a  Kentucky  paper  afterwards  speaks  while  making 
grateful  and  eulogistic  mention  of  a  subsequent 
appeal  made  by  the  Governor  to  the  citizens  of 
Indiana,  when  Kentucky  was  invaded  the  second 
time.  We  quote : 

"  It  is  only  just  to  state  that  the  present  energetic 
and  patriotic  Governor  Morton,  of  Indiana,  is  win 
ning  golden  opinions  from  all  sorts  of  people  (except 
the  secessionists),  by  the  zeal  and  efficiency  with 
which,  supported  as  he  has  been  by  the  loyal  popu 
lation  of  that  gallant  State,  he  is  seconding  the 
military  operations  of  the  Government  in  all  its 


198         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

departments,  and  especially  in  the  department  of 
Cumberland.  It  is  in  just  tribute  to  this  function^ 
ary,  and  in  allusion  to  a  proclamation  in  which  he 
urges  upon  the  people  of  Indiana,  by  every  consider 
ation,  to  put  forth  their  strength  in  aid  of  Kentucky, 
reminding  them  that  years  ago  Kentucky  helped  to 
rescue  Indiana  from  the  horrors  of  savage  warfare, 
that  the  Louisville  Journal,  of  recent  date,  speaks 
as  follows : 

Ct '  The  call  of  the  patriotic  Morton  upon  the  peo 
ple  of  his  State,  will  endear  him  still  more  deeply 
to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  who  already  appreciate 
the  great  obligation  they  are  under  to  him.  He  has 
been  emphatically  Kentucky's  guardian  spirit  from 
the  very  commencement  of  the  dangers  that  now 
darkly  threaten  her  very  existence,  and  she  knows 
it,  Kentucky  and  the  whole  country  owe  him  a 
large  debt  of  gratitude.  Oh,  that  all  the  public 
functionaries  of  the  country  were  as  vigilant,  as 
clear-sighted,  as  energetic,  as  fearless,  as  chivalric 
as  he.' " 

Governor  Morton's  conduct  toward  Kentucky  in 
her  times  of  peril  endeared  him  so  strongly  to  every 
patriotic  citizen  of  that  State,  that  his  former  zeal 
ous  opposition  to  the  institution  of  slavery  appear 
to  have  been  entirely  forgotten,  and  he  was  virtually 
adopted  by  the  Unionists  of  Kentucky  as  their  Gov 
ernor.  We  cite  an  incident  in  point.  Shortly  after 
Kentucky  was  cleared  of  rebel  troops,  a  very  wealthy 
lady  of  Frankfort,  the  owner  of  a  large  number  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  199 

slaves,  visited  some  friends  in  Indianapolis,  and  on 
the  second  day  of  her  visit  inquired  for  Governor 
Morton.  Upon  ascertaining  that  he  was  ahsent  and 
would  not  return  for  several  days,  she  prolonged 
her  visit  some  what  beyond  the  time  she  had  intended 
to  remain.  The  day  for  the  Governor's  return  hav 
ing  arrived,  and  he  not  appearing,  the  lady  extended 
her  visit  still  several  days  more,  saying  she  would 
not  leave  Indiana  until  she  had  seen  him.  A  friend 
inquiring  of  her  the  reason  why  she  was  so  anxious 
to  see  the  Hoosier  Governor,  she  replied :  "  Because 
he  is  our  Governor  as  well  as  yours,  and  has  been 
ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion.  " 

But  Governor  Morton's  labors  outside  of  his  own 
State  during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1861  did  not 
extend  to  Kentucky  alone.  The  wants  of  Indiana 
troops  in  Missouri,  Western  Virginia,  and  the  depart 
ment  of  the  Potomac  received  his  constant,  per 
sonal  attention,  and  his  numerous  efficient  agents 
were  found  actively  employed  in  every  camp  where 
Indiana  regiments  were  stationed,  and  upon  every 
field  of  their  glory. 

The  reverses  of  the  national  arms  during  this 
period  had  such  a  discouraging  effect  upon  the  coun 
try,  that  in  most  of  the  loyal  States  the  work  of 
recruiting  progressed  slowly.  But  the  never  failing 
faithfulness  of  Governor  Morton  in  following  up 
Indiana  volunteers,  securing  their  pay,  administer 
ing  to  their  personal  wants,  and  in  providing,  in  the 
mean  time,  for  their  families  at  home,  inspired  the 


200        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

people  of  Indiana  with  such  a  degree  of  confidence 
that  the  volunteering  spirit  among  them  seemed 
not  to  abate  one  particle  in  consequence  of  the 
national  disasters;  and  by  the  14th  of  December, 
1861,  twenty  volunteer  regiments  were  added  to  the 
twenty -four  already  mentioned  in  this  chapter,  mak 
ing  an  aggregate  of  forty-four  volunteer  regiments 
from  Indiana  in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

If  it  be  inquired,  why  Indiana,  during  this  dis 
couraging  season,  outstripped  nearly  every  other 
State  in  the  Union  in  furnishing  soldiers  for  the 
war,  the  answer  is,  because  the  executive  of  that 
State  was  true  to  the  soldier  and  the  soldier's  family. 

The  Government,  during  the  year  1861  was  neces 
sarily  slow  in  clothing  the  troops,  mainly  because 
it  had  not  yet  had  sufficient  experience  in  war  to 
avoid  the  occasional  employment  of  heartless  spec 
ulators  as  quartermasters,  and.  the  troops  sent  to 
Western  Virginia  were  so  far  neglected  that  the 
approach  of  winter  seemed  likely  to  find  them 
almost  destitute  of  comfortable  clothing.  Governor 
Morton,  ever  attentive  to  the  needs  -and  wants  of 
the  soldier,  sought  to  remedy  this  deficiency,  so  far 
as  the  Indiana  troops  in  Western  Virginia  were  con 
cerned,  by  taking  the  matter  of  supplying  them 
with  clothing  into  his  own  hands.  The  following 
telegraphic  correspondence,  taken  from  the  Indian 
apolis  Journal,  shows  how  earnestly  he  labored  to 
accomplish  his  end : 

"The  following  selection  from  among  the  many 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  201 

telegrams  now  on  file  in  the  Governor's  office,  in 
relation  to  the  treatment  of  our  soldiers  under  com 
mand  of  General  Reynolds,  at  Cheat  Mountain,  will 
show  how  persistently  the  Governor  has  followed  up 
his  purpose  of  having  our  troops  well  provided  for, 
and  how  he  has  been  thwarted.  With  all  the  prom 
ises,  orders,  requisitions  and  what  not  of  the  mass 
of  correspondence,  the  clothing  has  only  just  begun 
to  arrive.  Much  of  it  is  surely  lost,  and  many  a 
good  man  has  died  from  the  destitution  so  vainly 
sought  to  be  remedied,  by  the  plots  disclosed  below : 

Dispatch  from  Governor  0.  P.  Morton. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  August  20th,  1861. 
Urge  Major  Montgomery  to  get  overcoats  from 
any  good  material,  and  do  not  wait  for  a  public  let 
ting.  Do  have  them  made  at  once.  The  men  are 
suffering  for  them,  and  I  am  distressed  for  them. 
Perhaps  a  few  thousand  can  be  furnished  at  once 
by  Captain  Dickerson. 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Quartermaster  Yajen  went  immediately  to  Cin 
cinnati,  and  was  informed  by  Captain  Dickerson 
that  he  had  just  sent  General  Reynolds  4,000  great 
coats.  Governor  Morton  at  once  sent  his  private 
secretary  to  Western  Virginia  to  see  that  these  coats 
were  delivered.  He  could  not  find  nor  hear  of 
them,  and  after  learning  from  General  Reynolds 
that  the  latter  was  in  want  of  shirts,  drawers,  socks 


202         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  caps,  lie  returned  to  Cincinnati,  obtained  these 
supplies,  and  informed  Major  Montgomery,  who 
requested  Captain  Dickerson  to  have  them  inspected 
and  sent  forward  to  our  troops.  To  this  Captain 
Dickerson  answered  that  he  had  sent  all  that  had 
been  asked  for  by  General  Rosecrans,  and  that  the 
clothing  had  not  been  taken  by  him,  and  was  sub 
ject  to  his  orders.  One  thousand  great  coats  were 
then  forwarded  and  the  others  were  promised  imme 
diately. 

Dispatch  from   Governor  Morton  to   General  Meigs. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  2. 
M.  C.  Meigs,  Washington  : 

We  have  supplied  from  Cincinnati,  overcoats  for 
our  troops  in  Western  Virginia.  Will  you  please 
direct  Major  Vintoii  to  send  the  4,000  overcoats  you 
ordered  for  the  Indiana  troops  to  the  Indiana  regi 
ments  in  Maryland  and  about  Washington.  If  he 
will  send  2,000  more,  making  6,000,  itjsvill  be  enough 
for  all  the  Indiana  troops  in  those  places. 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from   General  Meigs  to   Governor  Morton. 

WASHINGTON,  September  2, 1861. 
All  overcoats  in  New  York  have  been  ordered 
here,  and  the  six  Indiana  regiments  named  in  your 
dispatch  will  be  supplied  from  this  place. 

M.  C.  MEIGS,  Q.  M.  G. 

This  was  not  done  according  to  promise. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  203 

Dispatch  from   Governor  Morton  to  General  Reynolds 
at  Cheat  Mountain  Pass. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  2,  1861. 
Four  thousand  overcoats  have  been  sent  to  your 
troops,  to  the  care  of  General  Rosecrans,  by  Captain 
J.  H.  Dickerson,  Assistant  Quartermaster  at  Cincin 
nati.  Will  you  look  after  them  at  once  and  see  that 
somebody  else  does  not  get  them  ? 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  General  Reynolds  to  Governor  Morton. 

CHEAT  MOUNTAIN  PASS,  September  3,1861. 
The  thirteenth  regiment  is  well  clothed.  The 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  are  ragged, — all  require 
overcoats.  Requisitions  were  made  on  the  Quarter 
master's  department  a  month  since  for  the  clothing 
required,  and  it  ought  to  be  here  in  a  few  days. 

J.  J.  REYNOLDS, 
Brigadier  General. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  General  Reynolds, 
Cheat  Mountain  Pass. 
INDIANAPOLIS,  September  4,  1861. 
On  what  quartermaster  did  you  make  requisition 
for  clothing  ?  0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  General  Reynolds. 
CHEAT  MOUNTAIN  PASS,  September  4,  1861. 
My  requisition   for   clothing   was  made  on  the 


204          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

quartermaster  at  Beverly.  Whether  it  got  any  fur 
ther,  I  can  not  say ;  but  I  will  see  the  clothing  you 
send  properly  distributed,  and  that  receipts  are  sent. 
Thanks  for  your  remembrance  of  us. 

J.  J.  REYNOLDS, 
Brigadier  General. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  Captain  Dicker  son. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  5,  1861. 
Captain  Dickerson,  Quartermaster,  Cincinnati,  Ohio  : 

General  Reynolds  made  a  requisition  on  the  quar 
termaster  at  Beverly  for  uniforms.  Did  he  make  a 
requisition  on  you  ?  If  so,  when  will  they  be  fur 
nished?  The  men  are  suffering  from  cold  on  the 
mountains. 

O.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  D.  H.  Vinton,  N.  Y. 

The  4,000  great  coats  were  sent  on  the  22d  of 
August,  for  the  Indiana  regiments. 

D.  H.  YINTOX, 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  D.  Q.  M. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  Lieutenant  Colonel 

D.  H.  Vinton. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  6,  1861. 
To  whom  were  the  4,000  great  coats  for  our  troops 
sent  ?    Answer  immediately. 

O.  P.  MORTON. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  205 


Dispatch  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  D.  H.  Vinton,  to 
Governor  Morton. 
NEW  YORK,  September  7, 1861. 
The  4,000  great  coats  were  sent  to  Captain  Craig, 

at  Bellair,  Ohio. 

D.  H.  VINTON, 

Lieutenant  Colonel,  A.  Q.  M.  G. 

Dispatch  to  Captain  Craig,  U.  8.  Q.  If.,  Bellair,  Ohio. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  7,  1861 
Quartermaster  Vinton  telegraphs  me  that  4,000 
great  coats  were  sent  you  for  the  Indiana  troops  in 
Western  Virginia.     Did  you  ever  receive  them  ? 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Answer  to  the  above.   ' 

BELLAIR,  September  9, 1861. 
I  have  received  4,000  great  coats,  but  with  them 
no  advices  as  to  what  troops  they  are  for.  The 
regimental  quartermasters  of  our  Indiana  troops  can 
make  a  requisition  upon  me,  approved  by  General 
Rosecrans,  and  I  will  deliver  immediately. 

W.  CRAIG,  Capt.  Q.  M.  Dept,  U.  S.  A. 

It  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  a  subsequent  dis 
patch,  that  he  issued  these  great  coats  to  other  reg 
iments  without  advising  Governor  Morton,  and  in 
violation  of  the  above  promise. 


206          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  General  Reynolds, 

Cheat  Mountain. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  9, 1861. 
Captain  Craig,  Quartermaster  at  Bell  air,  has  the 
4,000  overcoats.     He  will  give  them  to  you  upon  a 
requisition   approved  by  Rosecrans.     "Will  you  do 
so  ?     Send  a  man  after  them  so  as  to  be  sure. 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from   Governor  Morton  to  Captain  Craig, 

Bellair,  Ohio. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  9, 1861. 
I  have  notified  General  Reynolds.     Keep  the  coats 
for  him  and  oblige,  O.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  General  Reynolds  to  Governor  Morton. 

CHEAT  MOUNTAIN,  September  9, 1861. 
Requisitions  have  been  made  in  due  form  twice. 
The  first  time  more  than  a  month  ago,  and  in  accor 
dance  with  orders  from   Department.     Hope  it  is 
coming.     Have  done  all  I  can,  and  am  willing  to  do 
anything  yet  to  get  it.     Overcoats  not  yet  arrived. 
J.  J.  REYNOLDS,  Brig.  Gen. 

Dispatch  from   Governor  Morton  to  General  Meigs, 
Quartermaster  General,  Washington 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  10,  1861. 
General  Reynolds  made  a  requisition  for  supplies 
for  Indiana  troops  in  Western   Virginia,  more  than 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  207 

a  month  ago,  and  nothing  heard  from  it. — 4,000 
overcoats  sent  for  same  troops  were  stopped  and 
held  subject  to  order  of  General  Rosecrans.  The 
clothing  Major  Montgomery  purchased  for  same 
troops  is  held  by  Captain  Dickerson  in  Cincinnati. 
Is  there  no  help  for  this  state  of  things  ?  The 
troops  are  suffering.  0.  P.  MORTON. 

General  Meigs  called  the  attention  of  Captain 
Dickerson  to  this  detention,  to  which  he  replied  as 
follows : 

Dispatch  from  Captain  Diekerson  to  Quartermaster 

General. 

CINCINNATI,  0.,  September  14, 1861. 
To  Quartermaster  General,  Washington,  D.  C. 

SIR  :  The  report  that  clothing  bought  by  Major 
Montgomery  for  Indiana  troops  was  detained  and  is 
now  held  by  me  is  false. 

Some  three  weeks  or  more,  since,  Captain  Chan 
dler,  at  General  Rosecrans'  headquarters,  sent  me  a 
requisition  for  20,000  infantry  pants,  1,000  cavalry 
pants,  20,000  flannel  shirts,  20,000  pairs  of  drawers, 
20,000  pairs  of  shoes,  15,000  pairs  of  stockings,  10,- 
000  overcoats,  5,000  caps  with  covers,  10,000  haver 
sacks,  and  many  other  supplies  in  less  quantities. 
Four  or  five  days  after  I  had  filled  the  chief  part  of 
the  order,  Major  Montgomery  wrote  me  that  he 
had  just  purchased,  from  a  house  in  this  city,  8,400 
shirts,  8,400  pairs  of  drawers,  and  other  supplies  in 


208          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

equal  quantities,  and  asked  to  have  them  inspected 
and  sent  to  the  Indiana  troops  in  Western  Virginia. 
I  replied  to  Major  Montgomery  that  I  had  just 
filled  a  large  order,  all  that  was  asked  for  hy  Gen 
eral  Rosecrans'  chief  quartermaster  in  the  field, 
and  that  I  supposed  his  requisition  embraced  all  the 
demands  of  General  Rosecrans'  command,  and  that 
the  clothing  he  had  purchased  had  not  been  taken 
by  me,  but  was  subject  to  his  orders.  He  has  since 
ordered  it  sent  to  Indianapolis.  So  far  from  being 
detained  or  held  by  me,  it  has  never  been  in  my 
hands.  Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  H.  DICKERSON,  Captain  and  Q.  M. 

Dispatch  from    Governor  Morton   to    Captain  Leib, 
Quartermaster  at  Clarksburg,  Virginia. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  11,  1861. 
Have  any  overcoats  reached  you  ? 

0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  Captain  Leib  to  Governor  Morton. 
CLARKSBURG,  Ya.,  September  12,  1861. 
The  overcoats  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  will  be 
sent  to  "Webster  this  morning,  and  shipped  at  once 
from  that  place.     I  have  advised  General  Reynolds 
of  their  arrival.  CHAS.  LEIB, 

Captain  and  Quartermaster. 

This  telegram   refers  to  the  one  thousand  sent 
from  Cincinnati,  September  2. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  209 

Dispatch  from  Ad/t  General  Wlieat  to  Gov.  Morton. 

WHEELING,  September  15, 1861. 
The  great  coats  for  the  Indiana  regiments  went 
forward  from  Clarksburg,  on  Thursday  the  12th  inst. 
JAS.  S.  WHEAT,  Adj't  Gen.  Y.  M. 

The  same  lot  referred  to  by  Captain  Leib  above. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  General  Rosecrans. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  17, 1861, 
I  am  in  constant  receipt  of  news  from  Reynolds' 
brigade,  and  our  troops  are  nearly  naked.  All  I 
can  do  will  not  get  them  clothes.  Will  you  do  me 
favor  to  have  Captain  Chandler  send  them  some? 
If  I  attempt  to  send  them  from  here,  Captain  Dick- 
erson  will  inform  me  that  he  is  attending  to  that. 
Orders  must  come  through  you.  Please  oblige  me 
in  this.  0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  General  Reynolds  to  Governor  Morton, 

ELKWATER,  September  19, 1861. 
Only  1,200  overcoats  have  arrived. 

J.  J.  REYNOLDS,  Brig.  Gen. 

Dispatch  from   Captain  Stewart  (cavalry  company)  to 

Governor  Morton. 

CROSS  LANES,  September  19,  1861. 
I  have  seen  Captain  Chandler.     He  tells  me  you 
had  better  attend  to  the  uniforms  for  my  company, 
18 


210          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

as  the  Government  is  very  slow  about  these  things. 
My  men  are  actually  suffering  for  want  of  warm 
clothing.  Have  them  shipped  for  Charleston. 

R.  R.  STEWART,  Captain. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  Quartermaster  Gen 
eral  Meigs,  Washington  City. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  September  20, 1861. 
Of  the  4,000  overcoats  sent  to  Western  Virginia 
for  the  Indiana  troops,  they  got  1,200.  Requisi 
tions  made  six  weeks  ago,  have  not  been  filled, 
although  Captain  Dickerson  says  the  articles  have 
all  been  sent  to  General  Rosecrans'  quartermaster. 
The  last  dodge  was  t}iat  requisitions  must  be  signed 
by  Captain  Chandler,  who  is  with  Rosecrans,  far 
away  from  Reynolds,  and  where  the  supplies  are. 
Captain  Stewart's  cavalry  are  almost  naked  and 
have  sent  home  for  supplies.  My  opinion  is  that 
in  the  Quartermaster's  department  in  Western  Vir 
ginia,  there  is  great  incapacity  or  fraud  and  the 
abuses  are  becoming  insufferable.  I  ptay  you  give 
it  your  attention.  O.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  Quartermaster  General  Meigs  to  Gov 
ernor  Morton. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  20,  1861. 

Captain  Dickerson  sent  clothing  and  equipments 

to  thirty-seven  regiments  since  the  9th  of  August; 

16,000  suits  to  General  Rosecrans  some  time  since ; 

9,000  more  to  him  on  the  10th  of  September ;  15,000 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  211 

blankets  go  to  Gen.  Rosecrans  from  Cincinnati  at 
once.  I  order  10,000  blankets  from  New  York  to 
Captain  Dickerson  to  fill  up  his  store  again.  Will  do 
the  best  I  can  for  your  troops.  Governor  Pierpont, 
of  Virginia,  is  in  possession  of  a  large  quantity  of 
clothing,  sent  to  Wheeling  for  General  Rosecrans. 
Call  on  him  for  Indiana  troops  in  Virginia. 

M.  C.  MEIGS. 

There  were  not  twenty  regiments  in  Western 
Virginia  at  that  time.  What  became  of  the  cloth 
ing  ?  It  is  reported  to  have  fallen  in  some  out  of 
the  way  place  on  the  Kanawha  and  been  buried 
under  a  freshet. 

Dispatch  from  W.  Craig,  A.  Q.  M. 

MARIETTA,  O.,  Sept.  25, 1861. 
The  4,000  overcoats  to  which  you  refer  have  been 
issued  like  all  other  clothing  coming  into  my  pos 
session  without  special  instructions.  There  was 
nothing  in  the  invoices  on  the  boxes,  nor  in  the 
letter  of  advice,  to  show  that  these  overcoats  were 
for  any  particular  troops.  1,200  have  been  issued 
to  Indiana  troops  at  Cheat  Mountain  Pass,  and  the 
rest  to  other  parties  equally  destitute. 

W.  CRAIG,  Captain,  A.  Q.  M. 

Dispatch  from  General  Rosecrans. 

CROSS  LANES,  Va.,  Sept.  25, 1861. 
Your  dispatch  is  received.     10,000  uniforms  have 
gone  down  to  General  Reynolds  ;  none  have  reached 


212          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

this  moving  column.  I  feel  even  more  discouraged 
than  General  Reynolds  that  the  necessity  of  pursu 
ing  the  enemy  prevents  attention  to  clothing  the 
troops.  The  difficulty  now  appears  in  a  fair  way 
to  be  remedied.  I  have  caused  inquires  to  he  made 
as  to  those  overcoats.  I  think  they  will  he  found 
on  their  way  from  the  railroad  to  Huttonsville. 

W.  S.  ROSECRANS, 

Brigadier  General,  U.  S.  A. 

The  10,000  uniforms  never  reached  General  Rey 
nolds. 

^Dispatch  from  Quartermaster  General  Meigs  to  Gov 
ernor  Morton. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  28,  1861. 
Telegram  received.  Captain  J.  H.  Dickerson's 
report  on  his  alleged  detention  of  clothing  for  the 
Indiana  troops  was  sent  to  the  Quartermaster  Gen 
eral  of  Indiana,  September  24th.  Captain  I),  has 
lately  sent  15,000  blankets  to  Clarksburg  from  Graf- 
ton,  making  25,000  lately  sent  to  Western  Virginia, 
which  the  Quartermaster  should  properly  distribute. 

M.  C.  MEIGS,  Q.  M,  G. 

Dispatch  from  Governor  Morton  to  Hon.  D.  C.  Bran- 
ham,  Washington. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  Oct.  6,  1861. 

General  Stone  has  just  returned  from  Virginia. 
Only  two  regiments  have  overcoats.  General  Kelley, 
at  Grafton,  will  receive  3,000  to-day  from  Cincin- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  213 

nuti.  Will  not  General  Meigs  order  him  to  issue 
2,000  of  them  to  the  13th  and  17th  regiments? 
They  are  suffering  dreadfully.  The  clothing  sent 
tj  Rosecrans  is  packed  in  a  warehouse  on  the  Kan- 
awha,  while  our  men  are  suffering,  and  the  rise  of 
the  river  inundated  and  ruined  it.  Our  men  also 
want  uniforms  and  shoes.  The  roads  will  soon  be 
impassible.  Urge  Meigs  to  take  steps  to  relieve 
them  immediately.  0.  P.  MORTON. 

Dispatch  from  Quartermaster  General  Meigs  to  Mr. 

Branham. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  October  7,  1861. 
I  order  shoes  to  Grafton  from  Philadelphia  to-day. 
Overcoats  go  into  the  field.     Some  neglect  in  West 
ern  Virginia  in  distributing  the  large  supplies  sent 
to  that  State.  M.  C.  MEIGS, 

Quartern!  aster  G  en  eral . 

Dispatch  to  Brigadier  General  Kelley,  Grafton,  Va. 
Captain  Dickerson,  of  Cincinnati,  informs  me 
that  he  has  sent  within  a  few  days,  3,000  great  coats, 
5,000  blankets,  and  other  supplies.  Will  you  please 
do  me  the  favor  to  issue  2,000  of  the  great  coats  to 
the  13th  and  17th  Indiana  regiments  under  General 
Reynolds ;  also  4,000  blankets.  They  are  perfectly 
destitute.  I  will  take  this  as  a  personal  favor. 
Their  destitution  has  been  a  matter  of  great  morti 
fication  to  me.  0.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 


214          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Answer  to  the  foregoing. 

GOVERNOR  0.  P.  MORTON  :  Your  telegram  is  re 
ceived.  Your  request  shall  receive  my  personal 
attention.  B.  F.  KELLEY,  Brig.  Gen. 

Dispatch  from  General  Reynolds  to  Governor  Morton. 

CHEAT  MOUNTAIN  PASS,  October  7, 1861. 
Clothing  is  coming  forward.  In  a  few  days  we 
will  have  a  supply  for  the  13th,  14th,  15th  and  17th, 
except  shoes,  socks  and  caps,  the  last  not  so  impor 
tant.  Shoes  and  socks  are  much  needed.  These 
regiments  have  suffered  greatly,  but  not  a  man 
among  them  has  any  fault  to  find  with  the  Governor 
of  his  State.  They  are  all  informed  of  the  exer 
tions  made  in  their  behalf,  and  appreciate  them,  and 
when  opportunity  offers  will  show  their  apprecia 
tion.  J.  J.  REYNOLDS,  Brig.  Gen. 

The  indefatigable  energy  displayed  in  this  effort 
of  Governor  Morton  to  prevent  the  suffering  con 
sequent  upon  deficient  clothing,  in  the  mountains 
of  Western  Virginia,  during  the  cold  season,  has 
rarely  ever  been  paralleled  in  the  history  of  the 
country.  Notwithstanding  the  frequent  defeats  he 
met  in  his  attempts  to  carry  his  point,  and  despite 
all  the  insults  he  suffered  at  the  hands  of  contempt 
ible,  narrow,  contracted  and  thieving  officials,  he 
still  persisted,  until  he  succeeded  in  alleviating  the 
sufferings  of  the  Hoosier  volunteers.  lie  sent  no 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  215 

less  than  four  special  messengers  at  different  times 
to  follow  up  clothing  and  see  that  it  was  properly 
delivered,  or  to  find  it  if  lost.  That  he  should  have 
been  so  frequently  thwarted  in  his  noble  designs, 
and  that  the  clothing  he  had  provided  for  Indiana 
troops  should  have  been  issued  to  volunteers  from 
other  States,  and  a  large  quantity  of  it  miscarried 
and  finally  ruined  in  a  warehouse,  up  the  Kanawha, 
remain  a  lasting  disgrace  upon  those  to  whom  these 
abuses  are  chargeable  throughout  all  time,  and  will 
only  add  to,  rather  than  sully  the  imperishable  fame 
of  the  Governor  of  Indiana. 

The  Indianapolis  Daily  Sentinel,  speaking  of  this 
matter,  says : 

"  We  publish  this  morning  a  statement,  accom 
panied  with  the  correspondence  and  dispatches, 
showing  that  Governor  Morton  has  made  every 
effort  in  his  power  to  procure,  Jrom  the  proper 
authorities,  winter  clothing  and  other  needed  sup 
plies  for  the  Indiana  volunteers,  now  in  the  service 
of  the  General  government.  There  can  be  no  ques 
tion  that  his  Excellency  has  done  his  whole  duty  in 
the  matter ;  and  whatever  faults  and  short-comings 
there  may  be,  they  can  not  be  attributed  to  him. 
The  statement  develops  the  fact  that  there  is  great 
destitution  among  our  troops  which  must,  in  a  great 
measure,  be  relieved  by  the  individual  efforts,  gen 
erosity  and  patriotism  of  the  people  of  Indiana. 
There  is  no  time  to  be  lost  in  sending  forward  con- 

O 

tributions   of  blankets  and  socks  to  prevent  their 


216         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

suffering  from  the  exposures  to  which  they  are  even 
now  subjected,  especially  the  troops  in  the  moun 
tainous  regions  of  Western  Virginia.  While  we 
differ  in  toto  with  the  political  views  and  sympa 
thies  of  Governor  Morton,  we  can  not  refrain  from 
saying  that  he  is  entitled  to  great  credit  for  the 
extraordinary  energy  and  industry  he  has  displayed 
in  the  management  of  the  military  affairs  of  In 
diana,  and  his  prompt  response  in  hehalf  of  the 
State,  to  all  the  requisitions  of  the  Federal  govern 
ment  since  the  first  call  of  the  President  for  volun 
teers  to  suppress  the  rebellion  in  the  seceded  States. 
The  Indiana  volunteers,  by  their  bravery  and  gal 
lantry,  have  reflected  high  honor  upon  the  State, 
and  given  her  a  fame  which  may  justly  excite  the 
pride  of  all  her  citizens. " 

The  unbounded  popularity  of  Governor  Morton 
among  the  soldiers,  and  his  growing  reputation  in 
other  States,  during  the  first  year  of  the  war,  exci 
ting  the  jealousy  of  certain  ambitious  politicians, 
and  he  having  refused  to  confer  favors  upon  numer 
ous  incompetent  place  seekers,  he,  necessarily, 
became  the  victim  of  envy  and  disappointed  ambi 
tion.  Charges  of  mismanagement  in  State  military 
matters,  of  corruption  in  the  appointment  of  offi 
cers  and  the  awarding  of  contracts,  were  heard  from 
various  quarters,  and,  although  without  the  least 
foundation  in  truth,  were  not  unfrequently  credited 
by  those  who  should  have  had  more  respect  for 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  217 

themselves,  if  not  regard  for  the  Governor,  than  to 
have  done  so. 

During  the  month  of  December,  1861,  it  appears 
that,  in  compliance  with  Governor  Morton's  fre 
quent  urgent  request,  the  Congressional  Committee 
of  Investigation  visited  Indianapolis,  and  made  a 
rigid  inquiry  into  the  management  of  military 
matters  in  Indiana.  The  published  report  of  the 
proceedings  of  this  committee,  not  only  exonerates 
the  State  executive  from  all  blame  as  it  regarded 
the  letting  of  contracts,  £c.,  but  shows  the  greatest 
care  on  his  part  to  prevent  fraud  and  peculation. 
The  fact  is  developed  by  the  investigations  of  the 
committee,  that  he  even  opposed  his  OAVII  brother 
in  obtaining  a  contract,  assigning  as  his  reason  for 
such  opposition,  that  he  feared  the  least  indication, 
on  his  part,  of  a  disposition  to  favor  his  brother, 
would  cause  complaint  and  dissatisfaction.  It  was 
also  ascertained  by  this  committee,  that,  notwith 
standing  the  Indiana  troops  had  been  better  armed 
and  equipped  than  those  of  any  other  Western 
State,  the  expense  attending  their  outfit  was  less,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  men  furnished,  than 
that  of  any  other  State  in  the  Union.  Yet,  despite 
the  indubitable  evidences  of  the  Governors  honesty 
and  superior  economy,  the  work  of  the  calumniator, 
so  far  from  being  abandoned,  was  continued  with 
increased  vigor.  But  the  Governor,  regardless  of 
all  the  slanders  heaped  upon  him,  went  steadily 
forward  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  giving  no 
19 


218         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

heed  to  the  opinions  of  men  respecting  himself, 
and  looking  solely  to  the  interests  of  the  people  and 
the  country.  And,  notwithstanding  he  was  contin 
ually  "beset  with  a  countless  swarm  of  tliofee  individ 
uals  popularly  denominated  "bores,"  he  always 
demeaned  himself  with  true,  manly  dignity,  and 
treated  all  who  approached  him  with  the  greatest 
courtesy.  In  fact,  his  equanimity  and  urbanity 
were  matters  of  remark  among  friends  and  foes. 

As  the  war  progressed,  and  the  execution  of  all 
plans  proposed  by  him,  resulted  successfully,  he 
arose  in  the  estimation  of  the  President  and  the 
Cabinet,  until  it  was  finally  admitted  by  the  know 
ing  ones  at  Washington  that  his  influence  with  the 
powers  at  that  city  was  greater  than  that  of  any 
other  man,  outside  of  the  national  executive  depart 
ment,  in  the  country.  His  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  people  of  the  Northwest,  his  ready  tact  in  adapt 
ing  means  to  ends,  his  great  forecasting  and  com 
bining  powers,  and  above  all  his  energy  and  prompt 
ness  in  the  performance  of  all  labor  assigned  him, 
secured  to  him  a  deference  which  few  men  in  the 
nation  enjoyed ;  and  more  than  once  was  his  pres 
ence  requested,  and  his  counsel  solicited  in  matters 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  Government. 

In  addition  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  of 
his  office  as  State  executive,  the  labors  attending 
the  organization  of  regiments  and  their  preparation 
for  service,  the  protection  of  Kentucky,  the  prompt 
provision  for  the  wants  of  soldiers  and  their  famil- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  219 

ies,  he  frequently  took  occasion  to  talk  to  the  peo 
ple,  earnestly  exhorting  them  to  stand  by  their  Gov 
ernment,  and  demonstrating  to  them  the  folly  of 
hoping  for  a  permanent  and  honorable  settlement 
•of  the  national  difficulties,  otherwise  than  by  thor 
oughly  conquering  the  rebels.  The  short,  pungent 
speech  we  here  insert  was  delivered  at  Rockville, 
some  time  during  the  year  1863.  The  precise  date 
we  have  been  unable  to  ascertain  : 

All  republican  governments  are  based  upon  the 
principle,  that  when  the  will  of  the  people  has  been 
expressed  through  the  framers  of  the  Constitution, 
all  parties  and  all  men  must  submit.  Unless  this 
principle  be  unconditionally  admitted,  republican 
government  can  not  exist  for  a  day.  For  illustra 
tion  of  this  truth  I  might  refer  to  the  history  of 
Mexico,  where  each  election  is  followed  by  a  revolu 
tion,  where  the  minority  refuses  to  submit  to  the 
majority,  and  fly  to  arms  for  the  redress  of  every 
fancied  grievance.  Such  has  been  the  history  of 
republican  government  in  France  and  other  coun 
tries  in  Europe.  Every  officer  of  the  Government, 
when  properly  elected,  becomes  the  officer  and 
agent  of  the  people,  whether  they  favored  his  elec 
tion  or  not,  and  all  loyal  citizens  recognize  him  as 
such. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  when  elected,  although  I  did  not 
favor  his  election,  became  my  president.  Any 
insult  offered  to  him  by  a  foreign  power,  or  any 
resistance  to  his  lawful  authority  by  domestic  foes 


220         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  Ui? 

was  an  insult  and  an  injury  to  me  and  every  citizen 
of  the  United  States.  Some  people  there  are  whc 
are  so  incredibly  stupid  as  to  be  unable  to  perceive 
any  difference  between  the  Government  and  the 
mere  agents  who  carry  it  on  for  the  time.  Govern 
ment  is  intended  to  be  permanent,  while  the  offi 
cers  by  whom  it  is  administered  are  ever  changing. 
"Washington,  Jefferson  and  Jackson  have  passed 
away,  but  the  Government  they  administered  still 
lasts,  and  I  trust  will  last  forever.  The  man  who 
now  controls  public  affairs  will  in  a  few  short  years 
have  passed  from  the  stage  of  action ;  but  we  trust 
the  Government  will  survive  him.  The  man  who 
would  refuse  to  protect  the  Government  merely 
because  he  did  not  like  the  man  who  carried  it  on, 
would  display  as  little  sense  as  the  inebriate  who 
would  refuse  to  protect  his  dwelling  from  the  flames 
because  he  did  not  like  the  agency  of  water. 

PARTY  QUESTIONS. 

This  is  not  a  war  of  parties,  but  of  the  whole 
people.  The  interests  involved  rise  as  far  above 
mere  party  considerations  as  the  heavens  are  above 
the  earth. 

The  man  who  stands  aloof  from  the  great  contest, 
higgling  about  his  party,  is  short-sighted,  and  fails 
to  comprehend  the  times  in  which  he  lives.  Par 
ties  can  only  exist  in  a  free  Government,  and 
when  the  Government  falls  they  fall  along  with  it. 
The  democratic,  whig  and  republican  parties  have 


(JOVERXOll  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  221 

eacli  sought  to  administer  the  Government.  But  if 
the  Government  should  pass  away  there  would  he 
nothing  left  to  administer.  If  there  is  any  poor 
partisan  here  to-day  who  believes  that,  after  the 
Government  has  been  destroyed,  he  will  have  his 
party  left  and  may  enjoy  that,  I  yield  him  up  in  des 
pair.  The  Almighty  has  enveloped  his  intellect  in 
eternal  night,  and  fore-ordained  that  he  should  he  a 
fool  forever  and  ever. 


LINCOLN'S  ABOLITION 

The  charge  is  made  in  this  country  that  this  war 
was  begun  by  Lincoln  to  bring  about  the  abolition 
of  Slavery.  The  man  who  utters  this  charge  is 
attempting  to  commit  a  fraud  upon  the  people  and 
treason  against  the  Government.  Every  intelligent 
man  knows  that  before  Lincoln  was  inaugurated, 
the  rebels  had  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  in 
the  field  ;  had  laid  a  siege  for  Fort  Pickens  and 
Fort  Sumter  ;  had  robbed  the  mint  at  New  Orleans 
of  half  a  million  of  dollars  ;  had  plundered  various 
forts  and  arsenals  of  two  hundred  thousand  stand 
of  arms  and  five  hundred  pieces  of  artillery;  had 
confiscated  the  debts  due  from  citizens  of  seceded 
States  to  the  people  of  the  North,  thus  robbing 
them  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars;  had  mur 
dered  or  driven  out  from  the  seceded  States  every 
man  of  Northern  birth  or  that  entertains  a  linger 
ing  attachment  for  the  Constitution  of  his  country. 

The  object  of  a  falsehood  so  foul  and  monstrous 


222  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

is  not  to  be  mistaken.  It  is  to  distract  the  people 
of  the  North,  and  palsy  the  hands  of  the  Govern 
ment,  that  it  may  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  scoundrels 
who  are  seeking  its  destruction.  This  would  be  its 
effect,  if  any  it  had,  and  must  therefore  be  its  aim. 

PEACE. 

But  it  is  said  we  must  have  peace  and  could 
have  peace  if  we  would.  I  love  peace  as  much  as 
any  man.  Its  sweets  are  as  delicious  to  my  taste 
as  to  that  of  any  human  being.  But  when.  I  say 
this  I  mean  peace  that  is  safe  ;  peace  that  is  crowned 
with  liberty  and  the  blessings  of  an  enlightened 
civilization.  I  do  not  mean  that  peace  which  is  the 
sleep  of  death ;  which  is  purchased  by  foul  dishonor ; 
nor  that  peace  which  is  but  another  name  for  sub 
mission  to  tyrants  and  traitors.  It  is  utter  folly 
to  talk  about  peace  without  pointing  out  some 
method  by  which  it  may  be  obtained.  I  know  of 
but  two  conditions  now,  upon  which  peace  can  be 
had.  The  first  is  by  submitting  to  disruption  of 
the  Union  and  the  destruction  of  the  Government. 
The  second  is  by  the  submission  of  the  traitors  now 
in  arms.  And  I  appeal  to  you  to-day  to  answer  the 
question  in  your  own  hearts,  upon  which  of  these 
conditions  do  you  demand  peace?  Who  are  the 
men  that  are  clamoring  for  peace  upon  any  terms  ? 
They  are  not  the  Union  men  of  Kentucky,  of  Mis 
souri,  of  Tennessee,  of  Maryland  or  of  Virginia. 
But  they  are  small  clans  scattered  throughout  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  223 

Northern  States,  who  are  violently  suspected  by 
their  neighbors  of  not  being  Union  men,  but  men 
who  would  flourish  most  and  rejoice  most  in  a 
period  of  general  anarchy  and  social  and  political 
dissolution. 

But  we  are  told  that  unless  we  at  once  suspend 
hostilities,  and  secure  peace  on  any  terms,  an  enor 
mous  public  debt  will  be  contracted,  which  will 
oppress  the  people  for  generations  to  come.  A  large 
public  debt  is  undoubtedly  a  calamity ;  but  there  are 
greater  calamities.  What  will  it  profit  the  people 
if  they  should  gain  the  wealth  of  the  whole  world, 
but  lose  their  Government,  and  with  it  their  liber 
ties  ?  In  my  judgment,  the  man  who  can  deliber 
ately  weigh  gold  in  the  scale  against  the  existence 
of  this  Government,  and  the  liberties  of  this  peo 
ple,  is  either  an  idiot  or  a  traitor.  If  there  is  such 
a  man  in  Park  county,  may  God  forgive  him  for  I 
can  not.  What  matters  whether  this  war  shall  cost 
an  hundred  millions  or  a  hundred  thousand,  if  we 
are  thereby  enabled  to  maintain  the  Union,  and 
transmit  this  Government  to  our  children  ?  Con 
sidered  in  a  mere  financial  view,  it  would  be  the  best 
investment  the  American  people  ever  made.  If  the 
Government  fall,  what  becomes  of  the  value  of 
property  ?  What  becomes  of  commerce  ?  Of  pub 
lic  and  private  institutions  ?  Of  prosperity  of  every 
kind? 

"  The  folly  of  the  man  who  refuses  to  sustain  the 
Government  because  it  will  cost  a  large  amount  of 


224          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

money  to  do  so,  is  only  equaled  by  him  who  should 
refuse  to  purchase  necessary  food  because  it  is 
expensive,  and  voluntarily  starves  himself  to  death 
in  order  that  he  may  live  to  enjoy  a  large  fortune. 
Financially  considered,  secession  is  the  greatest  mis 
fortune  that  could  befall  a  nation,  and  especially  the 
people  of  the  Western  States.  The  Mississippi 
river  would  become  the  property  of  a  foreign  gov 
ernment,  and  we  should  be  cut  off  from  any 
outlet  to  the  Gulf,  except  upon  such  terms  as 
should  be  graciously  vouchsafed  to  us  by  the 
traitors  now  in  arms.  The  manufactures  and 
agricultural  productions  of  Indiana  would  not  be 
allowed  to  float  down  the  Mississippi  to  find  n 
market,  except  on  compliance  with  the  conditions 
and  payment  of  the  duties  prescribed  by  the  Dic 
tatorship  at  Richmond. 

The  Revolutionary  war  is  estimated  to  have 
cost  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  How  much 
easier  would  it  have  been  to  have  paid  the  little 
duty  of  three  pence  a  pound  on  tea.  And  can 
you  doubt  that  the  men  who  now  urge  the  cost 
of  this  war  as  an  objection  to  it,  would,  for  the 
same  reason,  have  objected  to  the  Revolution,  had 
they  lived  during  that  period? 

COMPROMISE. 

But  it  is  said  that  this  war  might  have  been 
avoided  by  a  compromise,  and  could  now  be  set- 
tied  by  a  compromise.  While  we  were  babbling 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  225 

of  compromise  last  winter,  the  traitors  were  steal 
ing  arms,  plundering  mints,  investing  fortresses, 
and  marshaling  armies  into  the  field.  What  is 
there  to  compromise  now  but  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  and  the  existence  of  the  Government?  Do 
the  traitors  offer  to  us  any  compromise  ?  No ;  on 
the  contrary,  their  ultimatum  is  the  destruction 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  But  how 
would  these  men  go  ^botit  proposing  a  compro 
mise  to  an  enemy  who  has  an  hundred  thousand 
men  in  the  field,  and  who  spits  in  the  nation's  face 
whenever  the  word  is  mentioned;  who  declares 
that  secession  and  disunion  are  the  glorious  con 
summation  of  the  toil  and  travail  of  more  than 
thirty  years;  who  affirms  that  free  institutions  at 
the  North  are  a  failure ;  that  the  only  true  founda 
tion  for  government  is  African  slavery:  and  that 
the  laboring  classes  of  the  North  are  serfs  and  vas 
sals,  beneath  the  mental  and  moral  dignity  of  the 
slave  upon  the  plantation  ?  It  is  now  well  known 
that  the  secession  movement  was  inaugurated  as 
early  as  1829.  Its  first  effort  at  the  destruction 
of  the  Government  was  made  in  1839,  in  the  nul 
lification  movement  in  South  Carolina,  basect  osten 
sibly  on  the  tariff'  question.  General  Jackson  then 
predicted  that  the  next  effort  would  be  predicated 
upon  the  slavery  question;  and  the  prophecy  has 
been  fulfilled.  From  that  time  forward,  secession 
has  been  kept  alive  under  the  deceitful  and  spe 
cious  title  of  States'  rights;  and  yet  these  con- 


226         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

stitutional  doctors  propose  to  cure  this  chronic 
secession  cancer  by  the  application  of  a  mild  com 
promise  plaster.  But  I  tell  you,  No!  The  only 
cure  for  the  cancer  is  the  knife.  You  must  cut 
out  the  gangrened  and  rotten  parts,  and  extract 
the  very  roots  of  the  devouring  ulcer.  Compro 
mise  roots  and  herbs  are  of  no  avail  in  a  case  like 
this.  The  Southern  commissioners,  sent  to  "Wash 
ington  last  spring,  offered  no  compromise,  and 
would  listen  to  none.  Their  haughty  and  traitor 
ous  demand  was  that  we  should  consent  to  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union  and  the  dismemberment 
of  the  Government.  They  said  if  this  Govern 
ment  would  write  its  name  011  a  blank  piece  of 
paper,  and  allow  them  to  write  over  it  the  condi 
tions  upon  which  they  would  compromise  this  dif 
ficulty,  and  return  to  the  Union,  they  -had  none  to 
write.  A  proposition  to  compromise  now  is  sim 
ply  a  proposition  to  surrender;  and  the  man  who 
makes  it,  disguise  it  as  he  may,  means  that  and 
nothing  else.  We  are  fighting  to  preserve  what 
our  fathers  fought  to  win.  They  established  a 
Eepublican  government,  and  we  will  uphold  it. 
If  their  cause  was  sacred,  then  is  ours,  sanctified 
by  their  blood,  and  should,  if  necessary,  be  sealed 
by  our  own. 

SECESSION. 

To. concede  practically  or  theoretically  the  doc 
trine   of  secession,  upon  which  this  Rebellion  is 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  227 

based,  is  to  concede  the  destruction  of  our  social  and 
political  institutions.  That  doctrine  is,  that  any 
State  has  a  right  to  withdraw  from  the  Union  at 
pleasure,  without  consulting  the  National  govern 
ment,  or  the  other  States.  This  being  admitted, 
it  requires  no  argument  to  prove  that  we  have  no 
government,  but  a  mere  voluntary  association,  with 
no  higher  sanctions  than  a  pleasure  party  from 
which  any  guest  may  retire  at  his  own  convenience. 
Carried  to  its  consequences,  it  does  not  stop  with 
the  destruction  of  the  National  government,  but  is 
equally  fatal  to  State  and  local  institutions.  Com 
merce  must  perish  when  one  party  can  withdraw 
from  a  contract  without  the  consent  of  the  other. 
JSTo  other  war  ever  involved  such  mighty  interests, 
comprehending,  as  it  does,  the  political  and  social 
existence  of  the  Nation,  and  if,  while  everything 
is  thus  at  stake,  WQ  shall  suffer  ourselves  to  be 
distracted  and  conquered  by  old  prejudices  and  jeal 
ousies,  false  views  of  public  economy  and  the  evil 
machinations  of  selfish  demagogues,  the  world  may 
well  pronounce  final  judgment  that  the  experiment 
of  self-government  has  failed,  and  that  men  can  be 
successfully  governed  only  by  an  aristocracy  or  a 
monarchy. 

FREEDOM  or  SPEECH. 

Much  has  been  said,  in  certain  quarters,  now, 
about  the  right  of  free  speech.  I  allow  no  man  to 
be  a  more  firm  and  consistent  advocate  of  that  right 


228         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

than  myself.  I  have  battled  for  many  years,  and 
shall  ever  uphold  it  as  the  very  touchstone  of  lib 
erty.  It  will  be  found,  on  examination,  that  those 
who  are  now  making  the  clamor,  mean,  by  the 
"freedom  of  speech,"  the  right  to  weaken  our  hands 
and  strengthen  the  hand  of  our  enemy,  by  distract 
ing  our  councils,  by  reviling  our  cause,  by  ignomin 
ious  propositions  to  lay  down  our  arms,  and  by 
assailing  the  purity  of  all  men  who  are  laboring  to 
uphold  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  nation.  If 
any  man  in  the  rebellious  States  should  utter  in 
defence  of  the  North  a  tithe  of  what  men  in  Indi 
ana  are  daily  saying  in  defence  of  the  South,  he 
would  be  permitted  to  live  long  enough  to  say  his 
prayers.  This  freedom  of  speech  is  exercised  in 
behalf  of  those  who  deny  the  right  to  all  others, 
and  who  punish  this  exercise  with  death.  The  men 
who  thus  abuse  this  right  of  free  speech  are  living 
monuments  of  the  forbearance  of  our  laws,  and  of 
the  liberty  and  security  of  persons,  guaranteed  by 
our  *  institutions.  While  I  admit  and  will  uphold 
the  freedom  of  speech,  it  is  not  improper  to  state 
that  there  are  State  and  National  laws  denning  and 
punishing  the  crime  of  treason,  and  that  infractions 
of  these  laws  will  be  searched  out  and  punished 
with  the  utmost  vigor. 

Shortly  before  the  delivery  of  this  speech,  a  pol 
itician,  too  contemptible  and  unprincipled  to  be 
named  here,  had  made  a  tour  of  certain  southern 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  229 

counties  of  Indiana,  and  made  speeches  encourag 
ing  opposition  to  the  war,  and  counseling  the  people 
to  demand  a  cessation  of  hostilities  and  a  proposi 
tion  by  the  North  to  the  South,  for  a  compromise. 
This  individual,  laying  a  false  claim  to  the  name 
democrat,  and  operating  where  he  could,  directly 
upon  the  partisan  prejudices  of  the  people,  had  his 
influence,  and  having  been  in  past  days  a  some 
what  prominent  leader  in  the  democratic  party,  he 
was  in  a  position  to  be  feared,  although  his  abilities 
were  not  such  as  to  secure  the  least  respect  from 
persons  of  any  intelligence. 

This  man  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  where  the 
foregoing  speech  was  delivered,  and  was  the  first 
"copperhead"  to  make  an  open  show  of  treason  in 
Indiana.  It  is,  doubtless,  to  him  and  his  satellites, 
that  the  warning  contained  in  the  last  sentence  in 
the  Governor's  effort  is  given. 


230         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Discouragement  of  people  in  1862  in  consequence  of  National 
reverses — Efforts  of  Governor  Morton  to  counteract  this  feel 
ing — His  efficient  operations  against  "K.  G.  C."  in  Indiana — 
Charges  against  him  by  the  members  of  that  order— Proofs 
of  insincerity  of  such  charges — His  efforts  to  relieve  Indiana 
troops  at  Fort  Pillow — Telegraphic  correspondence,  etc.,  etc. 

THE  year  1862  found  the  loyal  people  of  the 
United  States  regretting  the  misconduct  and  inca 
pacity  of  generals,  the  loss  of  battles,  and  the  un 
necessary  sacrifice  of  human  life.  Such  had  "been 
the  success  of  the  rebellion  that  almost  every  loyal 
border  State  was  threatened  with  invasion,  and 
many  of  the  true  friends  of  the  Government  said : 
"  Either  let  us  have  a  more  efficient  prosecution 
of  the  war,  or  a  cessation  of  hostilities."  Even 
the  people  of  the  gallant  Hoosier  State  appeared 
discouraged,  and  many  of  them  seemed  convinced 
that  further  resistance  to  the  South  was  useless. 
But  despite  all  the  discouraging  features  of  the 
war  and  the  general  public  despondency,  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Indiana  remained  steadfast  to  his  faith  in 
the  Union,  and  used  all  his  influence  to  encourage 
the  people  to  stand  firm  in  the  support  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  hope  for  ultimate  success.  His  faith 
in  the  Government  was  not  to  be  diminished  by 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  231 

a  year's  reverses,  and  although  he  regretted  the 
unnecessary  waste  of  human  blood  as  much  as 
any  one,  yet  he  did  not  allow  the  thought  of  such 
waste  to  weaken  his  determination  that  the  rebel-  \ 
lion  should  be  crushed.  On  the  contrary,  he 
increased  his  efforts  to  strengthen  public  confi 
dence,  and  to  aid  in  the  re-establishment  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  laws,  as  the 
cloud  of  despondency  thickened. 

He  continued  to  encourage  the  work  of  volun 
teering,  causing  bounties  to  be  increased.  By  the 
23d  of  February  (1862),  six  regiments  of  infantry 
were  added  to  the  number  already  in  the  field.  In 
the  meantime  the  battle  of  Mill  Springs  had  been 
fought,  which,  with  a  few  other  important  vic 
tories,  had,  to  some  extent,  restored  public  confi 
dence,  and  given  a  fresh  impetus  to  the  enlistment 
of  troops. 

About  the  commencement  of  the  year,  it  became 
manifest  that  there  was  a  secret  foe  to  the  Govern 
ment  in  most  of  the  loyal  States,  more  to  be  feared 
than  the  entire  Confederate  army.  This  foe  was 
an  organization  known  by  various  names,  as  that 
of  "  Self-Protecting  Brothers,"  "  Star  in  the  West," 
etc.  Whatever  might  have  been  the  name  by 
which  it  was  known  in  the  JS"orth,  it  was,  without 
doubt,  a  branch  of  the  traitorous  order  known  in 
the  South  as  "Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle." 
This  organization  grew  rapidly  in  numbers,  espe 
cially  in  the  more  remote  sections  of  the  country, 


232         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

where  the  honest  masses,  not  having  frequent 
access  to  the  mediums  of  public  intelligence,  were 
duped  by  the  score  by  a  set  of  the  most  unprin 
cipled  politicians  that  ever  disgraced  a  civilize;! 
country.  The  order  became  quite  popular  in  the 
southern  counties  of  Indiana,  and  was  not  untre- 
quently  met  with  in  the  central  and  northern  sec 
tions  of  the  State.  Its  members  were  generally 
known  by  their  denunciations  of  the  Administra 
tion  the  abolition  war,  and  Governor  Morton. 

And  it  is  a  notorious  fact  that  the  founders  and 
leading  members  of  this  organization  in  Indiana 
were,  generally,  those  who  had  failed  to  obtain 
favors  of  the  Government.  They  prated  much  of 
the  extravagance  of  the  State  Executive,  accused 
him  of  corruption  in  his  civil  and  military  appoint 
ments,  and  of  a  desire  to  oppress  the  people  of  the 
State  by  onerous  taxation. 

Congress,  having  passed  an  act  increasing  the 
taxes,  and  creating  an  internal  revenue  by  means 
of  "direct  taxation,"  and  the  sale  of  licenses,  and 
the  direct  tax  to  be  raised  having  been  apportioned 
among  the  several  States,  Indiana's  share  amounted 
to  $904,875.33.  And  notwithstanding  Governor 
Morton,  by  extraordinary  perseverance  and  good 
engineering,  succeeded  in  setting  off  this  extra  tax 
with  the  debt  due  the  State  from  the  Government, 
for  the  advances  made  by  the  former  to  aid  the 
latter  in  equipping  and  supplying  the  Indiana  vol 
unteers,  yet  the  charge,  though  known  to  be  false 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  233 

by  those  who  made  it,  was  reiterated,  time  and 
again,  that  he  was  endeavoring  to  have  imposed 
upon  the  people  an  oppressive  tax. 

It  was  particularly  charged  by  the  members  of 
the  order  to  which  allusion  has  been  made,  that 
the  Governor  was  guilty  of  corruption  in  the 
appointment  of  the  first  State  Quartermaster-Gen 
eral,  although  it  was  known  that  that  officer  had 
been  a  life-long  democrat,  and  that  most  of  his 
contracts  were  let  to  democrats,  some  of  whom 
were  even  opposed  to  the  war.  According  to  the 
report  of  Quartermaster  Yajen  and  the  report  of 
the  Congressional  Committee,  who  had  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Quartermaster  under  consideration, 
all  the  contracts  given  during  his  administration 
were  let  to  the  lowest,  responsible  bidders,  without 
reference  to  party;  but  it  so  happened  that,  in  the 
letting  of  many  of  the  most  profitable  contracts, 
democrats  were  the  lowest  bidders.  But  men 
intent  upon  working  the  ruin  of  one  who  stands 
prominently  in  the  way  of  the  promotion  of  their 
interests,  hesitate  not  to  use  falsehood  when  it 
promises  to  subserve  their  ends.  Xot  only  so,  but 
they  will,  when  occasion  requires,  sacrifice  their 
former  best  friends  for  the  same  purpose.  And 
so,  when  the  allies  of  the  "K.  G.  C.''  set  themselves 
about  the  task  of  slandering  Governor  Morton, 
they  not  only  used  the  basest  falsehoods  to  thrft 
end,  but  did  their  utmost  to  destroy  the  official  rep 
utation  of  Quartermaster  Yajen,  merely  because  he 
20 


234         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

was  the  appointee  of  the  Governor,  notwithstand 
ing  his  political  antecedents  were  all  democratic, 
and  his  administration  unexceptionable. 

These  individuals  even  accused  Governor  Morton 
of  secretly  appropriating  to  his  own  use,  the  county 
and  personal  donations  made  to  soldiers  in  camp, 
although  it  was  well  known  that,  when  certain  reg 
iments,  to  whom  large  bounties  had  been  promised, 
had  refused  to  obey  marching  orders,  the  Governor 
borrowed,  upon  his-  own  responsibility,  six  hundred 
thousand  dollars  and  paid  these  bounties.  And  that 
he  had  done  this  at  a  time  when  the  Government 
finances  were  very  low  and  without  the  promise  of 
reimbursement.  This  single  advancement  was  more 
than  sufficient  to  cover  all  the  donations  ever  made 
to  Indiana  troops,  four  times. 

To  discover  and  thwart  the  secret  schemes  of  the 
secret  aiders  and  comforters  of  treason  in  the  State 
of  Indiana,  became}  at  an  early  period  in  1862,  a 
paramount  object  with  Governor  Morton.  He 
employed  numerous  secret  agents  to  ascertain  the 
whereabouts  of  "K.  G.  C."  castles,  to  discover  the 
leading  members  of  the  order,  and  thus  prepare  the 
way  for  its  ultimate  exposure  and  destruction.  The 
success  of  his  plans  and  operations  in  this  direction 
is  well  known  to  the  country. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  the  year  of  which  we  now 
write,  the  intelligence  reached  Governor  Morton 
that  two  Indiana  regiments  at  Fort  Pillow  were  in 
a  suffering  condition.  The  carelessness  and  stupid- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  235 

ity  of  certain  military  officials  had  caused  these 
regiments  to  come  to  almost  utter  destitution  as  it 
regarded  clothing,  and  all  the  efforts  of  their  col 
onels  to  induce  United  States  .u;ay  officers  to  pro 
vide  for  their  necessities  were  unavailing. 

The  Governor,  seeing  the  condition  of  things, 
without  delay,  set  himself  ahout  an  investigation  of 
the  matter,  with  the  determination  of  providing  for 
the  suffering  troops  himself,  in  case  the  desired  end 
could  be  accomplished  in  no  other  way. 

The  telegraphic  correspondence  we  here  insert, 
shows  the  earnestness  and  determination  with  which 
he  ferreted  out  the  causes  of  the  abuses,  and  also 
the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend  in 
relieving  the  wants  of  the  sufferers. 

We  copy  from  the  Indianapolis  Journal: 

THE  CONDITION  OF  INDIANA  TROOPS,  AT  FORT  PILLOW? 

AND  ITS  CAUSE. 

We  copied,  the  other  day,  a  paragraph  from  the 
New  York  Tribune  depicting  and  lamenting  the  des 
titute  condition  of  two  Indiana  regiments  at  Fort 
Pillow,  Colonel  Fitch's  and  Colonel  McLean's,  and 
briefly  stated  the  cause,  in  order  that  the  public  might 
see  that  the  suffering  was  not  the  result  of  any  inat 
tention  or  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  State 
authorities.  Some  strange  perverseness  on  the  part 
of  Gen.  Pope,  as  inexplicable  as  it  was  abominable, 
was  the  sole  cause  of  the  trouble.  In  justification  of 
our  State  authorities,  and  to  place  the  blame  of  the 


236          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Buffering  and  death,  which  the  destitution  produced 
among  these  men,  where  it  belongs,  we  publish^ 
below,  the  correspondence  on  the  subject,  after 
Colonel  Fitch  had  failed  to  obtain  clothing  in 
the  regular  way,  and  had  appealed  to  the  State 
authorities : 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  29,  1862. 
Major  General  Halleck,  St.  Louis,  Mo.  : 

I  learn  that  the  46th,  Col.  Fitch,  as  well  as  other 
Indiana  regiments  at  New  Madrid,  Mo.,  are  much 
in  need  of  clothing.  Would  there  be  any  objection 
to  our  forwarding  a  supply  from  here  ? 

W.  K.  HOLLOWAY, 
Governor's  Private  Secretary. 

HEADQUARTERS,  ST.  Louis,  Mo., 

March  29,  1862. 
W.  It.  Holloway,  Private  Secretary: 

Quartermaster's  department  here  and  at  Cairo  is 
well  supplied  with  clothing,  which  will  be  issued  on 
requisition,  H.  W.  HALLECK, 

Major  General. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  30,  1862. 
Capt.  Bradshaw,  Quartermaster,  Cairo,  111.  : 

Indiana  regiments  under  Colonel  Fitch  at  New 
Madrid  want  new  uniforms.  Halleck  says  you  have 
plenty.  Will  you  supply  the  regiment  immedi 
ately  ?  We  have  thousands  here.  Answer. 

W.  R.  HOLLOWAY,  Private  Sec. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVO  P.  3IORTON.  237 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  29,  1862. 

Colonel   Gr.  N.  Fitch,  Point    Pleasant,  Mo.,  via  New 
Madrid : 

General  Halleck  says  the  quartermaster  at  Cairo 
has  plenty  of  clothing.  Send  Dykeman  there  imme 
diately.  I  have  telegraphed  Captain  Bradshaw  to 
supply  you  immediately  if  possible.  Advise  me 
when  you  get  it.  W.  K.  HOLLO  WAY, 

4       Private  Secretary. 

This  dispatch  was  either  suppressed  at  Cairo  or 
by  General  Pope  at  New  Madrid,  Mo.,  Col.  Fitch 
never  received  it. 

CAIRO,  March  30,  1862. 
W.  It.  Holloivay,  Governor's  Secretary : 

Can  not  uniform  a  regiment  in  full.  Clothing 
mostly  sent  up  the  Tennessee  river. 

J.  M.  BRADSHAW,  A.  Q.  M. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  31,  1862. 
Major  General  Halleck,  St.  Louis,  Mo.: 

Captain  Bradshaw,  assistant  quartermaster,  at 
Cairo,  telegraphs  me  that  he  has  not  uniforms 
enough  to  supply  one  regiment.  All  have  been 
sent  up  Tennessee  river.  I  am  informed  that  the 
live  Indiana  regiments  under  General  Pope  are 
ragged,  and  suffering  for  clothing.  They  say  they 
have  made  frequent  requisition  and  cannot  get  cloth 
ing.  They  can  be  supplied  from  here  promptly. 
Please  answer.  W.  K.  HOLLOWAY, 

Private  Secretary. 


238          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

HEADQUARTERS,  ST.  Louis,  Mo. 

March  31,  1862. 
W.  It.  Holloway,  Governor's  Secretary  : 

The  quartermaster  has  an  abundance  of  good 
clothing,  and  fills  every  requisition  as  soon  as  it  is 
sent  in.  H.  W.  HALLECK, 

Major  General. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  31,  1862. 
Major  Allen,  Chief  Quartermaster,  St.  Louis,  Mo.  : 

Have  you  any  requisitions  on  file  from  the  Indi 
ana  regiments  under  General  Pope  ?  I  am  reliably 
informed  that  they  are  much  in  need  of  new  uni 
forms.  We  could  furnish  them  from  here.  And 
would  prefer  to  do  so  if  there  are  no  objections. 
"W.  R.  HOLLOWAY,  Governor's  Priv.  Sec. 

ST.  Louis,  April  1,  1862. 
W.  It.  Holloway,  Governor's  Secretary: 

We  have  no  requisition  for  clothing  from  Indi 
ana  regiments.  ROBERT  ALLEN, 

Major  and  Quartermaster. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  March  31,  1862. 
Col.  G.  N.  Fitch,  46th  regiment  Indiana   Volunteers, 

Point  Pleasant,  Mo.,  via  New  Madrid: 
I  have  done  everything  that  is  possible  to  induce 
Gen.  Halleck  to  allow  your  wants  to  be  supplied 
from  here.  All  I  can  get  from  him  is  that  requisi 
tions  are  promptly  filled.  He  says  there  are  no  re 
quisitions  on  file  from  Indiana  regiments.  Can't 
you  send  your  quartermaster  to  St.  Louis  and  try 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  239 

there?  Please  let  us  know  the  result.     If  you  can 
not  get  them  there  we  will  take  the  responsibility 
and  supply  you ;  no  matter  about  consequences. 
W.  R.  HOLLOWAY,  Governor's  Priv.  Sec. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  April  5,  1862. 
Major  General  H.  W.  Halleck,  St.  Louis,  Mo  : 

I  am  reliably  informed  that  the  34th,  43rd,  46th 
and  47th  Indiana  regiments  under  Gen.  Pope  at 
!N"ew  Madrid,  are  still  suffering  for  shoes  and  cloth 
ing:  that  they  have  made  frequent  requisitions  to 
no  purpose.  Will  you  see  that  they  are  supplied  ? 
Answer.  O.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Ind. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  ST.  Louis,  April  5,  1862. 
Governor  0.  P.  Morton,  Indianapolis,  Ind. : 

Plenty  of  supplies  at  Cairo.  Will  inquire  into 
the  matter.  II.  W.  HALLECK, 

Major  General. 

These  dispatches  were  also  suppressed  at  Gen. 
Pope's  head  quarters,  and  never  handed  to  Col.  Fitch. 
Gov.  Morton,  not  hearing  from  Fitch,  sent  an  agent 
to  New  Madrid  with  a  copy  of  the  above  telegram. 
Col.  F.  had  frequently  requested  the  privilege  of 
sending  an  agent  to  St.  Louis  for  the  above  supplies^ 
and  had  the  application  endorsed  by  Gen.  Palmer, 
but  when  the  application  reached  Gen.  Pope's  head 
quarters,  he  endorsed  it,  "  NOT  GRANTED,  Jno.  Pope, 
Major  General  commanding."  General  Pope  was 
aware  of  the  ragged  and  destitute  condition  of  our 


240         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

troops,  and  instead  of  assisting  them  and  endeavor 
ing  to  have  them  supplied,  he  positively  refused,  and 
our  men  were  compelled  to  remain  in  their  destitute 
condition  until  Gen.  Pope  was  ordered  to  Pittsburg 
Landing.  About  this  time  Gov.  Morton  sent  hi* 
private  secretary  to^Fort  Pillow  where  the  rcgi- 
jnents  were  then  stationed,  to  see  if  they  had  been 
supplied,  and,  if  they  had  not  been,  instructed  to 
get  requisitions  for  the  articles  required,  in  order 
that  the  supplies  might  be  sent  from  here.  The  day 
before  Mr.  Holloway  arrived  there,  Col.  Fitch  had 
sent  a  lieutenant  to  Gov.  Morton,  asking  that  the 
clothing  be  forwarded.  Mr.  H.  brought  duplicates 
of  the  requisition,  and  the  clothing  was  promptly, 
forwarded ;  but  before  it  arrived  many  of  the  men 
were  shoeless  and  almost  naked.  The  public  will 
see  that  the  responsibility  rests  where  it  belongs. 

When  Gen.  Pope  was  ordered  to  join  Gen.  Hal- 
leek,  he  left  the  Indiana  regiments  under  his 
command,  with  one  exception,  remaining  on  board 
their  transports  near  Fort  Pillow,  where  they  could 
do  nothing,  taking  all  the  Illinois  regiments  with 
him.  Again  :  The  Indiana  regiments  did  all  the 
fighting  that  was  done  at  New  Madrid,  Point 
Pleasant,  and  Riddle's  Point.  They  dug  the  rifle 
pits,  threw  up  the  breast  works,  and  dragged  the 
seige  guns  through  the  mud  and  swamps  from  New 
Madrid  to  Point  Pleasant ;  kept  the  enemy  from 
escaping  down  the  river ;  sunk  one  of  their 
wooden  gunboats,  and  laid  in  the  rifle  pits  day  after 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  241 

day,  without  shoes,  and  with  coffee  sacks  tied 
around  their  bleeding  feet.  Yet,  for  all  of  their 
services,  Gen.  Pope  never  so  much  as  even  noticed 
them  in  his  official  report. 

He  ignores  the  State,  snubs  her  colonels,  and 
uses  the  influence  of  his  position  to  keep  them 
down.  This  may  be  all  right,  and  according  to 
those  mysterious  military  rules  which  turn  up  in 
justification  of  wrongs  and  outrages  upon  the  men 
in  the  most  inconsistent  and  contrary  cases ;  but  we 
fancy  the  people  of  Indiana  won't  <  see  it,'  and  will 
recollect  it." 

We  have  quoted  thus  lengthily  from  the  journal, 
no  less  to  show  the  feeling  of  jealousy  which  existed 
between  the  States  respecting  the  reputation  of  their 
troops,  than  to  present  another  of  the  multiplied 
acts  of  the  Governor  of  Indiana  in  behalf  of  the 
soldier. 

The  Governor  was  never,  at  any  time,  less  mind 
ful  of  the  reputation  of  Indiana  volunteers  than  of 
their  comfort.  All  his  actions  with  reference  to  the 
enlistment  of  troops  and  the  provision  of  arms  and 
equipments,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  to 
the  present,  show  that  the  successes  of  Indiana  troops 
were  his  successes,  that  their  glory  was  his  glory,  and 
that  he  regarded  anything  reflecting  upon  them  as 
reflecting  upon  him. 

The  disposition  of  certain  generals  to  ignore  the 
efficiency  of  Hoosier  volunteers  and  snub  their  offi- 
21 


242        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

cers,  as  mentioned  by  the  Journal,  caused  Governor 
Morton  the  deepest  mortification,  and  ultimately 
aroused  him  no  little  of  the  spirit  of  resentment ; 
and  his  correspondence  with  certain  Government 
officials,  shows  that  he  was  determined  that  no  foul 
slander  should  rest  upon  the  Indiana  troops,  and  in 
this,  he  was,  and  has  heen,  eminently  successful. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  243 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Precarious  condition  of  Indiana  at  commencement  of  1863. — Lep 
rous  character  of  Indiana  Legislature  —  Governor  Morton's 
message  to  that  body,  etc.,  etc. 

Perhaps  no  State  was  ever  in  a  more  precarious 
condition,  than  was  Indiana  at  the  commencement 
of  the  year  1863. 

The  secret  enemies  of  the  Government  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  by  dint  of  almost  super 
human  efforts,  and  by  the  use  of  every  means,  fair 
and  foul,  had  succeeded  in  the  election  of  what  was 
then  and  has  since  been  known  as  the  butternut 
ticket ;  the  Indiana  Legislature  was  principally  com 
posed  of  men  sworn  to  oppose,  to  the  bitter  end,  the 
prosecution  of  the  war,  and  to  leave  no  effort  un 
made  to  divest  Governor  Morton  of  his  military 
authority  and  his  glory ;  of  men  who,  by  deceiving 
the  people  respecting  the  motives  of  the  Administra 
tion,  had  placed  themselves  in  power  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  thwarting  the  plans  of  the  Government, 
and  encouraging  the  enemies  of  American  liberty 
in  their  work  of  rebellion  and  destruction. 

The  Governor  of  Indiana,  heeding  not  the  vile 
slanders  and  base  misrepresentations  of  his  copper 
head  foes,  still  kept  in  view  only  the  preservation  of 
his  Government  and  the  welfare  of  the  soldier. 


244          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  of  this 
period,  the  Governor  transmitted  to  that  body  the 
following  message,  which  in  its  comprehensive  views 
touching  the  duties  of  the  Legislature  to  the  soldier, 
and  its  minute  details  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Exe 
cutive  department,  is  one  of  the  ablest  state  paper,- 
of  modern  times. 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  of  Indiana : 

In  the  Message  which  I  am  about  to  read  in  your 
hearing,  I  will  endeavor  to  present  a  brief  but  com 
prehensive  and  intelligent  outline  of  the  operations 
of  the  State  government  for  the  past  two  years, 
and  the  present  condition  of  the  State. 

NUMBER  OF  TROOPS. 

The  following  statement  will  show  as  near  as  the 
data  in  the  Adjutant  General's  office  will  enable  me, 
the  number  of  troops  Indiana  has  furnished  to  the 
United  States  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war. 

Under  the  call  for  75,000,  April,  1861. 
6  regiments  of  infantry — 3  months'  service. 

Under  the  call  for  500,000,  July,  1861. 

2  regiments  of  infantry — 12  months'  service. 
47          "  "  3  years'          " 

4  companies  "  3     "  " 

3  regiments    of   cavalry — 3      "  " 
18   batteries   of    artillery— 3      "              " 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  T.  MORTON.  245 

Under  the  calls  of  July,  1862. 

1  regiment  of  infantry — 12  months'  service. 
30         "  «  3  years'          " 

6  companies          "  3     "  " 

2  regiments  "  3  months'      " 
1  regiment            "             30  days'  " 

1  regiment  "  60     "  " 

2  reg'ts  Indiana  Legion — 3  months'  " 
2      "       of  cavalry,             3  years'  " 
9  batteries  of  artillery,        3     "  " 

In  all,  98  regiments  of  infantry  and  cavalry  and 
27  batteries  of  artillery,  and  comprising  ninety-five 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-seven  officers  and 
men. 

To  this  number  are  to  be  added  6,831  recruits, 
who  joined  old  regiments  and  batteries  in  the  field, 
making  in  all  102,698  men.  The  above  does  not 
embrace  all  who  are  enrolled,  or  who  left  the  State 
and  joined  regiments  and  batteries  in  other  States, 
but  only  such  as  were  actually  mustered  into  the  ser 
vice  in  the  State  of  Indiana. 

THE  DRAFT. 

On  the  7th  day  of  July,  1862,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  called  for  300,000  additional  vol 
unteers.  On  the  5th  day  of  August,  1862,  he  called 
for  a  second  300,000,  to  be  raised  by  a  draft,  if 
enough  volunteers  could  not  be  procured.  Under 
each  call  the  quota  of  Indiana  was  fixed  by  the  War 


246          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

department  at  21,250  men,  making  42,500  men. 
By  the  20th  of  September  both  of  these  calls  had 
been  filled  by  volunteers,  except  6,060,  for  which 
number  it  became  necessary  to  draft.  The  number 
of  men  to  be  drafted  was  apportioned  among  the 
townships,  giving  credit  to  each  township  for  all 
the  volunteers  previously  furnished.  When  the 
enrollment  was  completed  it  was  found  that  635 
townships  had  furnished  the  number  required  of 
them,  leaving  the  deficiency  to  be  supplied  by  the 
remaining  334  townships.  The  quota  of  each 
township  was  assigned  on  the  20th  of  September, 
and  the  draft  took  place  on  the  6th  day  of  October. 
The  privilege  of  volunteering  to  supply  the  de 
ficiency  was  continued  up  to  the  time  of  the  draft, 
at  which  time  the  number  required  by  draft  was 
reduced  to  3,003,  for  which  number  the  draft  was 
made.  The  draft  was  conducted  throughout  the 
State  without  interruption  or  disturbance,  except  in  a 
single  instance,  and  at  the  time  fixed  the  drafted  men, 
with  few  exceptions,  reported  themselves  in  camp 
for  service. 

It  affords  me  pleasure  to  state  these  facts  as  evi 
dence  of  the  prompt  and  quiet  obedience  with 
which  the  people  of  Indiana  submit  to  law  and  the 
demands  of  the  Government. 

The  Constitution  of  Indiana  provides  that  no  per 
son  conscientiously  opposed  to  bearing  arms  shall 
be  compelled  to  do  militia  duty,  but  such  person 
shall  pay  an  equivalent  for  exemption.  As  the  draft 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  247 

was  upon  the  militia  of  the  State,  all  persons  inclu 
ded  in  the  constitutional  provision  were  entitled  to 
its  benefit.  The  Legislature  had  omitted  to  pre 
scribe  any  amount  for  the  equivalent,  and  Assistant 
Adjutant  General  Buckingham,  of  the  War  depart 
ment,  under  whose  supervision  the  draft  was  con 
ducted  throughout  the  United  States,  fixed  the  sum 
at  $200,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  ordinary 
amount  required  at  that  time  to  hire  a  substitute. 
The  draft  was  made  under  the  1st  section  of  the  act 
of  Congress  of  July  17th,  1862,  which  authorized  the 
Secretary  of  War,  wh^re  there  is  no  State  law,  or 
where  the  State  law  is  deficient,  to  adopt  such  rules 
and  regulations  in  regard  to  calling  out  the  militia 
as  he  may  deem  best. 

The  whole  number  who  established  their  claims 
to  the  benefit  of  the  constitutional  provision  was 
3,169,  as  is  shown  by  the  report  of  the  commis 
sioner.  A  portion  of  these  took  exceptions  to  the 
plan  adopted  by  Mr.  Siddall,  the  commissioner  of 
drafting,  by  which  it  was  determined  how  many, 
and  by  whom,  the  equivalent  should  be  paid,  and 
to  the  amount  of  the  equivalent  itself.  An  appeal 
was  taken  from  his  action  in  the  premises.  As  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  Indiana  make  no  provi 
sion  beyond  the  fact  that  persons  conscientiously 
opposed  to  bearing  arms  shall  not  be  compelled  to 
do  military  duty,  and  as  the  authority  by  which  the 
draft  was  made  was  derived  solely  from  the  act  of 
Congress,  and  the  action  of  the  War  department, 


248          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

I  referred  the  questions  involved  at  once  to  the  deci 
sion  of  Assistant  Adjutant  General  Buckingham. 
After  mature  deliberation,  he  decided  that  as  the 
exemption  was  made  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  State  only,,  the  War  department  had  no 
authority,  and  could  confer  none  upon  the  execu 
tive  of  the  State,  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the 
equivalent,  or  determine  its  amount. 

In  the  correctness  of  this  decision  I  fully  concur, 
and  therefore  refer  the  whole  matter  to  the  Legisla 
ture  as  a  proper  subject  for  its  consideration. 

I  appointed  J.  P.  Siddall,  Esq.,  a  commissioner, 
under  whose  direction  and  supervision  the  draft 
was  made.  His  duties  were  novel  and  difficult,  but 
were  performed  with  great  promptness  and  ability. 
His  report  is  herewith  submitted. 

Six  KEGIMENTS. 

At  the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  an  act 
was  passed  authorizing  the  organization  of  six  rcg-: 
iments  of  State  troops,  enlisting  for  the  period  of 
twelve  mouths.  These  regiments  were  raised,  and 
shortly  after  their  organization  four  of  them  were 
permitted  to  reorganize  and  enter  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  for  three  years  or  during  the  war ; 
the  remaining  two  were  subsequently  transferred  to 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  und^r  a  provision 
in  the  act  authorizing  such  transfer  to  fill  the  requi 
sition  for  troops  made  by  the  President  of  the  Uni- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  249 

ted  States,  the  General  government  assuming  all 
expenses  incurred  in  their  organization  and  support. 

SUPPLIES. 

During  the  first  five  months  of  the  war  there  was 
no  Federal  quartermaster  in  this  State,  and  the 
General  government  furnished  no  supplies  of  any 
kind  for  the  equipment  of  Indiana  troops,  but  all 
necessary  supplies  were  furnished  hy  the  State. 

The  State  has  also  furnished  large  supplies  from 
time  to  time,  since  that,  where  they  were  required 
for  the  health  and  prompt  equipment  of  our  troops, 
and  where  the  Government  had  failed  or  was  una 
ble  to  furnish  them  in  time. 

STATE  ARMS. 

When  the  war  began  the  stock  of  arms  on  hand 
belonging  to  the  Government,  was  small  and  gen 
erally  of  a  very  inferior  quality.  It  was  due  to  the 
lives  and  honor  of  the  brave  men  who  went  to  the 
field ;  to  the  character  of  the  State  and  the  success 
of  our  cause,  that  our  troops  should  be  furnished 
with  the  best  arms  that  could  be  procured.  Accord 
ingly,  I  sent  my  agents  into  the  market  from  time 
to  time,  and  purchased  the  best  arms  that  could  be 
obtained  upon  fair  terms,  and  this  I  continued  to  do 
until  such  time  as  the  Federal  government  requested 
the  States  to  desist  from  the  further  purchase  of 
arms,  alleging  that  it  increased  the  competition  and 
raised  the  prices,  and  declaring  that  it  would  supply 


250          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

all  troops,  and  would  pay  for  no  more  arms  pur 
chased  by  the  State.  With  the  exception  of  a  few 
thousand,  all  the  first  class  arms  in  the  hands  of  Ind 
iana  troops  were  purchased  by  the  State ;  but  it  has 
been  a  source  of  great  trouble  and  mortification  that 
a  large  portion  of  our  troops,  despite  of  all  efforts 
made,  have  been  supplied  with  arms  of  an  inferior 
quality. 

In  the  months  of  August  and  September  last,  the 
rebel  army  entered  Kentucky,  and  the  war  was 
brought  to  our  very  border;  the  Ohio  river  was 
low,  and  could  be  forded  in  many  places  by  cavalry, 
and  even  infantry,  and  the  peace  of  the  State  was 
seriously  threatened.  In  this  emergency,  I  believed 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  purchase  10,000  superior  arms 
for  the  use  of  Indiana  troops,  and  I  sent  an  agent 
to  'New  York,  who  succeeded  in  purchasing  that 
number  of  the  first  quality  at  fair  prices.  Mr.  D. 
R.  Martin,  president  of  the  Ocean  Bank,  without 
requiring  any  security,  and  upon  the  credit  of  the 
State,  advanced  the  money  to  pay  for  them,  in  all 
§237,269  30.  Shortly  after  the  purchase  of  the 
arms,  the  rebel  forces  were  driven  from  Kentucky, 
the  tide  of  war  flowed  back  from  our  borders,  and 
the  danger  so  seriously  threatening  the  State  passed 
away.  At  that  time  we  had  in  the  State  about  8000 
troops  preparing  for  service,  but  who  were  unarmed, 
and  no  arms  had  been  provided  for  them  at  all  proper 
to  be  taken  to  the  field.  I  therefore  put  these  arrn^ 
in  their  hands  upon  a  special  agreement  of  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  251 

Government,  to  pay  for  them  at  once.  There  was 
a  delay  of  a  few  weeks  in  getting  the  warrant 
through  the  departments  at  Washington,  but  the 
Government  has  now  paid  the  principal,  but  not 
the  interest ;  the  officers  of  the  Treasury  alleging 
the  want  of  authority  to  pay  the  interest. 

ARSENAL. 

When  our  first  regiments  were  ready  to  take  the 
field,  they  were  unprovided  with  ammunition,  and 
as  none  could  be  readily  procured,  it  became 
necessary  to  have  it  prepared.  Mr.  Sturm,  now 
the  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  54th  regiment,  was 
engaged  for  that  purpose.  He  had  studied  the  art 
in  Europe,  and  was  thoroughly  instructed  in  all  its 
details.  He  succeeded  well  in  the  enterprise  from 
the  beginning,  and  his  ammunition  was  pronounced 
the  very  best  in  UFO.  Thus  was  the  arsenal  estab 
lished,  and  as  the  demand  for  ammunition  daily 
increased,  and  the  necessity  so  far  from  passing 
away  became  constantly  greater  as  the  war  pro 
gressed,  what  was  first  intended  as  a  temporary 
convenience,  became  a  large  and'  permanent  estab 
lishment.  Lieut.  Col.  Sturm  continued  at  the 
head  of  the  establishment,  managing  it  with  great 
success  and  ability,  preparing  ammunition  of  every 
description  for  artillery  and  small  arms,  not  only 
supplying  our  own  troops  when  going  to  the  field, 
but  sending  immense  quantities  to  the  armies  in 
the  West  and  South.  In  several  emergencies,  the 


252          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

armies  of  the  West  and  South  were  supplied  from 
here,  when  they  could  not  procure  it  in  time  from 
other  arsenals,  and  serious  disasters  thereby 
avoided. 

Shortly  after  the  arsenal  was  fully  established,  it 
was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  War  depart 
ment,  and  the  ammunition  having  been  thoroughly 
tested,  the  Government  agreed  to  pay  for  what  had 
already  been  issued,  and  to  receive  and  pay  for 
what  should  be  prepared  thereafter,  at  prices  which 
were  mutually  satisfactory  to  both  parties.  These 
prices  were  generally  below  what  the  Government 
paid  for  ammunition,  but  such  as  it  was  believed 
would  fairly  indemnify  the  State  for  all  costs  and 
expenses  incurred  on  that  account.  Every  effort 
was  made  to  conduct  the  operations  of  the  arsenal 
with  great  economy,  while  paying  a  fair  price  to~ 
the  many  operatives  employed.  Persons  have 
been  employed  sometimes  to  the  number  of  five 
hundred,  and  profitable  occupation  has  thus  been 
furnished  to  many  who  otherwise  would  have 
wanted  the  means  of  support.  My  direction  to 
Col.  Sturm  was,  to  give  the  preference  to  those 
whose  relatives  and  supporters  were  in  the  field. 

Up  to  the  first  day  of  January,  1862,  there  has 
been  prepared  at  the  arsenal  92,000  rounds  of 
artillery  ammunition,  and  21,915,500  rounds  of 
ammunition  for  small  arms. 

The  report  of  Lieut.  Col.  Sturm,  herewith  sub- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  253 

mitted,  will  show  the  extent  and   the  result  of  the 
operations  in  the  arsenal.  . 

An  examination  of  the  arsenal  account  will 
show  that  the  State  has  not  lost  a  dollar  by  it. 
The  prices  fixed  for  the  ammunition  were  intended 
merely  to  cover  all  costs  and  expenses  incurred  in 
its  preparation,  but  by  economy  and  successful 
management,  a  balance  will  be  found  in  favor  of 
the  State. 

QUARTERMASTER  AND  COMMISSARY  GENERAL. 

The  first  quartermaster  general  I  appointed  after 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  was  General  Thomas  A. 
Morris.  He  held  the  office  but  a  short  time,  when 
he  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  Gen.  John  II. 
Vajen,  who  remained  in  office  till  March  12th,  1 862, 
when  he  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  Gen.  John 
C.  New.  On  the  13th  day  of  October,  1862,  Gen. 
New  resigned  and  Gen.  Asahel  Stone,  the  present 
acting  quartermaster  general,  was  appointed.  The 
reports  of  these  several  officers  are  herewith  sub 
mitted. 

Gen.  Isaiah  Mansur,  the  first  commissary  gen 
eral,  resigned  on  the  29th  day  of  May,  1861,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Gen.  Asahel  Stone,  who  has  held 
the  office  since.  Their  reports  are  herewith  sub 
mitted. 

The  operations  in  the  quartermaster  and  com 
missary  departments  have  been  large,  involving 
many  contracts,  and  the  disbursement  of  larpre  sums 


254          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  money.  They  are  a  proper  subject  for  legisla 
tive  investigation,  to  ascertain  whether  they  have 
been  well  and  faithfully  performed. 

CARE  OF  THE  SICK  AND  WOUNDED. 

Shortly  after  the  war  began,  it  became  apparent 
that  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  when  all  had 
been  done  for  them  that  could  be  by  regimental  and 
hospital  surgeons,  under  the  regulations,  must  in 
very  many  cases,  suffer  greatly  from  want  of  atten 
tion,  and  necessary  supplies.  Accordingly,  I  very 
early  adopted  the  plan  of  sending  agents  to  look 
after  the  condition,  and  as  far  as  possible  supply 
the  wants  of  the  Indiana  troops.  These  agents 
had  their  instructions  to  follow  in  the  track  of  our 
armies,  to  pick  up  the  sick  and  the  wounded  who 
may  have  fallen  by  the  wayside,  visit  the  hospitals, 
report  the  names  of  the  sick,  wounded  and  dead, 
afford  relief  wherever  it  could  be  afforded,  inform 
the  State  authorities  what  kind  of  supplies  were 
needed  and  where,  visit  the  troops  in  the  field  and 
ascertain  their  wants  and  condition,  and  aid  in  hav 
ing  their  requisitions  for  supplies  promptly  filled. 
These  agents  have  generally  performed  their  duty 
well,  and  I  believe,  have  been  the  instruments  of 
saving  the  lives  of  hundreds  of  our  gallant  soldiers, 
and  of  relieving  a  vast  amount  of  suffering  and 
destitution.  Many  of  their  reports,  all  of  which 
are  herewith  submitted,  are  descriptive  of  sufferings, 
sorrows  and  death,  that  would  melt  the  stoutest 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  255 

heart,  and  show  better  than  can  be  learned  in  any 
other  way,  the  dreadful  horrors  of  war.  The  labors 
of  these  agents  were  not  confined  to  any  particular 
duties,  but  extended  to  every  kind  of  relief  that 
soldiers  might  need.  They  aided  in  procuring  fur 
loughs  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  discharges  for 
such  as  would  not  be  able  to  serve  again,  in  furnish 
ing  transportation  at  the  expense  of  the  State  for 
such  as  had  not  the  means  of  travel,  and  getting 
home ;  receiving  the  soldiers'  money  and  distribu 
ting  it  to  their  families,  hunting  up  the  descriptive 
rolls  for  such  as  had  been  long  confined  in  hospitals, 
but  for  want  of  their  rolls  could  not  be  paid  or  dis 
charged,  visiting  battle-fields,  bringing  home  the 
wounded,  and  distributing  sanitary  stores.  In  some 
cases  I  directed  the  chartering  of  steamboats  for  the 
transportation  of  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  in 
general,  instructed  my  agents  to  incur  such  expenses 
as  were  absolutely  necessary  to  enable  them  to 
execute  their  mission.  But  notwithstanding  all 
that  has  been  done,  I  have  to  lament  that  the 
efforts  have  come  far  short  of  the  mighty  demand ; 
that  much  suffering  has  gone  unrelieved,  and  that 
many  of  our  brave  sons  have  languished  and  died 
among  strangers,  in  destitution  and  neglect,  with 
no  friend  present  to  soothe  their  last  hours,  or  mark 
the  spot  where  their  ashes  sleep. 

I  have  employed  and  sent  to  the  field  many  addi 
tional  assistant  surgeons,  to  remain  until  the  emer 
gency  they  were  sent  to  relieve  had  passed.  After 


256         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

severe  battles,  the  regimental  surgeons,  worn  down 
by  fatigue  and  exposure,  were  found  to  be  inade 
quate  to  the  care  of  the  wounded,  and  additional 
aid  became  indispensable. 

Many  times  all  the  surgeons  of  a  regiment  were 
either  sick  or  absent  on  detached  duty,  and  their 
places  had  to  be  supplied  by  temporary  appoint 
ments.  They  have  generally  discharged  their  duty 
with  ability,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  to  whom 
they  were  sent,  and  for  the  promptitude  with  which 
they  left  their  business  and  responded  to  these  sud 
den  calls,  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  State. 

After  the  battle  of  Shiloh,  and  in  anticipation  of 
the  conflict  to  come  oft'  at  Corinth,  I  applied  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  for  permission  to  appoint  two 
additional  assistant  surgeons  to  each  regiment  in  the 
grand  army  of  Major  General  Halleck.  The  per- 
-  mission  was  granted,  under  which  I  sent  about  sev 
enty  surgeons  to  that  army,  and  I  am  gratified  to 
believe  that  this  movement  led  to  the  amendment 
of  the  law  by  which  a  third  surgeon  was  added  to 
each  regiment,  a  measure  greatly  needed. 

I  have  also  established  at  Washington,  Louisville, 
Nashville,  Memphis,  Cairo  and  Columbus,  Ky.,  per 
manent  agents,  who  have  rented  houses  and  keep 
public  offices,  where  sanitary  goods  are  deposited  for 
distribution,  and  to  which  soldiers  can  resort  for 
relief.  These  agencies  are  found  to  work  well,  and 
are  accomplishing  a  great  deal  of  good.  Perma 
nent  agents  have  been  employed  at  Philadelphia, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  257 

St.  Louis,  Keokuk  and  ~New  York,  for  the  relief  of 
such  Indiana  soldiers  as  may  be  carried  to  those 
points. 

The  number  of  soldiers  passing  through  this  city, 
to  and  from  the  army,  or  coming  here  to  procure 
discharges  and  furloughs,  made  it  necessary  to  pro 
vide  quarters  where  they  could  receive  lodging  and 
subsistence  during  their  stay.  Accordingly  I  pro 
cured  the  erection  of  a  "  Soldier's  Home, "  which 
has  been,  in  the  main,  well  managed,  and  has  been 
the  source  of  relief  and  comfort  to  thousands. 

While  upon  this  subject,  it  is  with  great  pleasure 
that  I  lay  before  you  the  report  of  Dr.  Ilaimaman 
and  Alfred  Harrison,  Esq.,  the  president  and  secre 
tary  of  the  Sanitary  Commission. 

The  Commission  began  its  operations  regularly 
on  the  1st  of  March,  1862,  and  up  to  the  1st  of  Jan 
uary,  1863,  had  received  from  various  sources  in 
goods  and  money,  the  sum  of  $66,088  51.  During 
the  same  period  they  have  supplied  to  sick  and 
wounded  Indiana  soldiers  $60,379  31,  in  such  arti 
cles  as  were  best  suited  to  their  wants  and  condi 
tion,  leaving  a  balance  in  their  hands  of  $2,942  80 
in  goods,  and  §2,768  40  in  money. 

I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  tender  on 
behalf  of  the  State,  to  the  officers  of  the  Commis 
sion,  and  the  gentlemen  associated  with  them,  my 
sincere  thanks  for  the  unremitting  industry  and 
devotion  with  which  they  have  labored  without 


22 


258         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

reward  or  the  hope  thereof,  in  this  great  work  of 
patriotic  benevolence. 

The  above  statement  only  embraces  those  sup 
plies  of  stores  and  money  which » have  passed 
through  the  hands  of  the  Commission,  and  does  not 
include  those  large  but  irregular  contributions  which 
flowed  through  so  many  other  channels  for  the 
relief  of  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 

The  greater  part  of  all  the  stores,  in  whatever 
manner  sent,  have  been  contributed  by  the  noble 
and  patriotic  women  of  Indiana.  Not  only  have 
they  contributed  most  liberally  of  their  money,  but 
they  have  labored  unceasingly  with  their  hands,  in 
preparing  those  articles  so  necessary  to  the  comfort 
and  recovery  of  the  sick  and  wounded. 

They  have  their  reward  in  the  inexpressible  grat 
itude  that  swells  the  hearts  of  the  brave  men  who 
are  the  recipients  of  their  deeds  of  mercy.  On  this 
subject  I  quote  a  brief  extract  from  the  report  of 
the  Commission.  "  The  committee  desire  to  express 
in  the  strongest  terms,  their  gratitude  to  the  women 
of  Indiana  who  have  responded,  with  all  the  enthu 
siasm  and  generosity  of  their  sex,  to  the  calls  of  the 
committee ;  they  have  in  fact  done  the  work,  by 
their  labors,  their  contributions  and  their  example  ; 
the  committee  have  been  merely  their  agents  in 
receiving  and  dispensing  the  fruits  of  their  unboun 
ded  liberality.  The  same  work  and  labor  of  love 
is  still  before  them,  and  the  same  spirit  which  has 
so  far  actuated  them  will  no  doubt  continue  to  fur- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  259 

nish  occupation  for  the  Commission  so  long  as  the 
occasion  requires  it. " 

Immediately  upon  the  first  establishment  of  camps 
in  this  city,  the  treatment  of  the  sick  was  commit 
ted  to  the  care  of  Drs.  Kitchen  and  Jameson.  I 
subsequently  authorized  the  establishment  of  a  hos 
pital  here,  known  as  the  "  City  Hospital, "  under 
the  care  and  direction  of  the  same  gentlemen. 

Their  administration  has  been  highly  successful 
and  satisfactory,  and  the  hospital  is  justly  regarded 
as  one  of  the  very  best  in  the  United  States.  The 
whole  number  of  patients  treated  at  this  hospital, 
from  May  1,  1861,  to  January!,  1863,  was  5,495. 

Your  attention  is  invited  to  the  report  of  Drs. 
Kitchen  and  Jameson,  and  to  the  just  acknowledg 
ment  therein  made  of  the  services  of  the  "  Sisters  of 
Providence. " 

WAR  LOAN. 

By  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  approved  May  13, 
1861,  the  Governor  was  authorized  to  issue  bonds 
to  the  amount  of  §2,000,000,  bearing  interest  at  the 
rate  of  6  per  cent,  per  annum,  payable  semi-annu- 
ally,  and  falling  due  20  years  after  date,  and  Hugh 
McCullough,  James  M.  Bay  aud  John  II.  O'Boyle. 
Esqs.,  were  appointed  a  board  of  loan  commission 
ers  to  negotiate  their  sale. 

Hugh  McCullough,  Esq.,  having  failed  to  accept 
the  position,  I  appointed  Jesse  J.  Brown,  Esq.,  to 
fill  the  vacancy.  The  report  of  the  operations  of 


260          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  board  is  herewith  submitted,  from  which  it  wil* 
appear  that  the  bonds  were  sold  on  terms  favorable 
to  the  State,  in  view  of  the  then  depressed  condi 
tion  of  the  money  market,  and  when  compared  with 
the  sale  of  other  Western  securities.  Of  the 
whole  amount  sold,  $1,225,500  remains  outstanding, 
and  are  a  debt  against  the  State.  The  remainder 
having  been  redeemed  at  the  same  price  at  which 
they  were  sold,  adding  only  interest  for  the  time 
they  were  outstanding.  To  provide  for  the  pay 
ment  of  this  debt,  a  tax  was  levied,  the  proceeds  of 
which,  it  is  estimated,  will  extinguish  it  in  four 
years. 

NATIONAL  DIRECT  TAX. 

By  the  6th  section  of  an  act  of  Congress  approved 
August  6th,  1861,  a  direct  annual  tax  of  twenty 
millions  of  dollars  was  levied  upon  the  United 
States,  and  apportioned  among  the  several  States. 

The  apportionment  devolved  the  payment  of 
$904,875  33  on  the  State  of  Indiana. 

By  the  53d  section  of  the  act  it  was  provided 
that  any  State  might  assume,  assess  and  collect  its 
portion  of  the  tax  and  pay  the  same  into  the  Treas 
ury,  and  if  thus  paid  on  or  before  the  last  day  of 
June  of  the  year  for  which  it  was  levied,  should 
entitle  such  State  to  a  deduction  of  fifteen  per  cent. 
of  the  gross  amount  to  be  paid  by  such  State.  The 
section  further  provides  that  notice  of  the  intention 
of  the  State  to  assume  and  pay  her  portion  of  the 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  261 

tax,  without  the  intervention  of  the  Federal  officers, 
must  be  given  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by 
the  Governor,  or  other  proper  officer,  on  or  before 
the  second  Tuesday  of  February  of  each  year  in 
which  the  tax  is  to  be  paid.  The  section  also  con 
tains  this  proviso :  That  the  amount  of  direct  tax 
apportioned  to  any  State  shall  be  liable  to  be  paid 
or  satisfied  in  whole  or  in  part  by  the  release  of  such 
State  duly  executed  to  the  United  States,  of  apy 
liquidated  and  determined  claim  of  any  such  State, 
of  equal  amount  against  the  United  States ;  Pro 
vided,  that  in  case  of  such  release,  such  State  shall  be 
allowed  the  same  abatement  of  the  amount  of  such 
tax  as  would  be  allowed  in  case  of  the  payment  of 
the  same  in  money. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  the  war,  the  State 
was  compelled  to  advance  large  sums  of  money  to 
equip  and  supply  our  volunteers,  and,  in  fact,  fur 
nished  supplies  of  every  kind  until  the  fall  of  1861 ; 
and  it  was  believed  shortly  after  the  passage  of  that 
act,  that  our  advances,  over  and  above  all  reimburse 
ments,  would  soon  be  sufficient  in  amount  to  set- 
off  the  amount  of  tax  apportioned  against  the 
State.  Accordingly  I  opened  a  correspondence  with 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  the  subject,  and 
ascertained  from  him  that  the  advances  made  by  the 
State  on  behalf  of  our  troops  would  be  regarded  as 
a  "claim"  within  the  spirit  and  meaning  of  the 
act,  and  would  be  admitted  in  payment  of  the  tax 
to  an  amount  which  should  be  found  due  on  settle- 


262         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ment.  After  consultation  with  the  Auditor,  Treas 
urer  and  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  conjunction  with 

them  on  the day  of  December,  1861,  I  filed  in 

the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  at  Wash 
ington,  a  paper  officially  signed,  of  which  a  copy  is 
herewith  transmitted,  in  which  we  assumed  that  the 
State  would  pay  her  portion  of  the  direct  tax  with 
out  the  intervention  of  Federal  officers,  and  propos 
ing  to  set-off  against  the  same  a  like  sum  due  to 
the  State  for  advances  made  in  furnishing  our  troops, 
and  to  release  the  United  States  from  further  liabil 
ity  for  the  sum  thus  set-off  and  advanced  against 
the  tax.  This  paper  was  accepted  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  who  thereupon  declined  to  appoint 
the  officers  provided  by  the  law  to  collect  the  tax 

within   this  State.     On  the day  of  January, 

1862,  Mr.  Lange,  the  Auditor  of  State,  proceeded  to 
Washington  with  the  papers  and  vouchers  embra 
cing  our  claims  against  the  Government  up  to  that 
time,  for  the  purpose  of  making  settlement.  He 
found,  however,  that  the  mode  of  settlement  with 
the  several  States  had  not  been  determined  upon,  by 
the  Treasury  department,  and  that  the  press  of  bus 
iness  in  the  department  was  such  as  to  prevent  the 
taking  up  of  our  accounts.  He  was  directed  to  file 
them  in  the  department,  to  be  taken  up  for  adjust 
ment  whenever  they  could  be  reached.  It  then 
became  obvious  that  our  accounts  would  not  be  set 
tled  and  adjusted  by  the  last  day  of  June,  1861,  so 
as  to  be  "liquidated  and  determined"  within  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  263 

meaning  of  the  act  of  Congress,  as  before  quoted, 
and  that,  after  all,  our  set-off  against  the  tax  was 
about  to  fail. 

Accordingly,  I  brought  the  matter  to  the  atten 
tion  of  our  congressional  delegation,  and  asked 
them  to  procure,  if  possible,  such  legislation  as 
would  facilitate  the  settlement  of  our  accounts,  and 
if  that  could  not  be  done,  to  procure  an  extension 
of  the  time  in  which  accounts  could  be  filed  and 
settlements  made,  so  that  the  advantage  of  the  set- 
off  need  not  be  lost.  After  much  trouble  and  delay, 
they  procured  the  passage  of  an  act,  which  was 
approved  on  the  13th  day  of  May,  1862,  the  conclud 
ing  part  of  which  is  as  follows :  "  Provided,  that 
in  case  of  such  release,  such  State,  Territory  or  Dis 
trict  shall  be  allowed  the  same  abatement  of  the 
amount  of  such  tax  as  would  be  allowed  in  case  of 
the  payment  of  the  same  in  money,  shall  be  con 
strued  as  applying  to  such  claims  of  States  for  reim 
bursement  of  expenses  incurred  by  them  in  enroll 
ing,  subsisting,  clothing,  supplying,  arming,  equip 
ping,  paying  and  transporting  its  troops  employed 
in  aiding  to  suppress  the  present  insurrection  against 
the  United  States,  as  shall  be  filed  with  the  proper 
officers  of  the  United  States  before  the  thirtieth  of 
July  next.  And  in  such  cases  the  abatement  of 
fifteen  per  centum  shall  be  made  on  such  portion 
of  said  tax  as  may  be  paid  by  the  allowance  of  such 
claims,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  same  as  if  the  final 


264          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

settlement  and  liquidation  thereof  had  been  made 
before  the  thirtieth  of  June." 

This  act  healed  the  difficulty,  and  under  it  we 
have  filed  with  the  proper  officers,  anterior  to  the 
30th  of  July  last,  claims  against  the  United  States, 
due  to  the  State,  more  than  enough  to  cover  the 
amount  of  tax  due  from  the  State,  after  deducting 
the  fifteen  per  cent,  from  the  gross  amount. 

By  this  operation,  the  State  has  saved  fifteen  per 
cent,  of  the  original  amount,  which  is  §135,731  30, 
reducing  the  amount  from  $904,875  33  to  $765,144 
03,  and  the  latter  sum  is  set-off  and  paid  by  our 
advances.  The  arrangement  is  mutually  advanta 
geous  to  the  State  and  General  government.  It 
would  do  the  Government  no  good  to  draw  a  large 
amount  of  money  from  the  people  of  the  State  for 
taxes,  while  she  was  debtor  to  the  State  to  a  still 
larger  amount,  which  indebtedness  must  sometime 
be  paid  by  money  raised  by  taxation.  Besides  this, 
the  Government  was  in  no  condition  to  reimburse 
the  State  in  the  full  amount  of  her  advances,  and  if 
these  advances  were  not  used  to  pay  the  direct  tax, 
the  tax  must  have  been  collected  from  the  people  of 
Indiana  immediately,  while  the  advances  would,  in 
all  probability,  remain  as  a  suspended  debt  for  years 
to  come,  on  which  the  Government,  if  it  followed 
former  precedents,  would  pay  no  interest.  I  re 
spectfully  recommend  that  the  Legislature  approve 
my  action,  and  that  of  the  State  officers,  in  the 
premises. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  I*.  MORTON.  265 

At  the  last  session  of  Congress,  the  operation  of 
the  act  levying  the  direct  tax  upon  the  States  was 
suspended  for  three  years. 

WAR  EXPENSES. 

The  whole  amount  of  expenses  incurred  on 
account  of  the  war,  by  the  State,  is  one  million  nine 
hundred  and  sixty-nine  thousand  two  hundred  and 
forty-eight  dollars  and  thirty-six  cents  ($1,969,- 
248.36).  The  whole  amount  paid  is  one  million 
eight  hundred  and  twenty -two  thousand  nine  hun 
dred  and  sixty-eight  dollars  and  forty-nine  cents 
(§1,822,968.49).  Leaving  unpaid  and  outstanding 
on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1863,  claims  amounting 
to  one  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand  two  hun 
dred  and  seventy-nine  dollars  and  eighty-seven 
cents  (146,279.87),  all  of  which  have  been  duly  aud 
ited  and  certified  by  the  military  auditing  committee. 

The  account  of  the  State  against  the  United 
States  for  expenses  incurred  for  war  purposes,  to 
January  1,  1863,  stands  as  follows  i 

Total  amount  of  expenses  incurred $1,969,248  36 

Government  draft  returned  to  U.  S.  Treasury 68,701  60 

Total, $2,037,949  96 

On  this  account,  the  United  States  are  entitled  to 
the  following  credits : 

Proceeds  of  $450,000  treasury  notes $432,639  30 

Paid  by  U.  S.  quartermaster 196,72816 

Paid  on  account  of  ammunition 279.803  71 

Direct  tax  of  1861,  deducting  15  per  cent,  709,144  03 

$1,678,315  20 


Leaving  due  from  the  U.  S.  Jan.  1,  1863 $359,634  75 

23 


266        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

In  the  account  against  the  United  States,  are 
included  expenditures  to  the  amount  of  $43,160.62, 
for  which  the  State  could  not  claim  to  be  reim 
bursed  under  existing  laws,  but  which  are  an  equit 
able  debt  against  the  United  States,  and  to  cover 
which  I  have  no  doubt  an  act  of  Congress  will  yet 
be  passed. 

PUBLIC  DEBT. 

The  indebtedness  of  the  State  up  to  the  first  day 
of  January,  1863,  has  been  increased  by  the  war  as 
follows : 

Due  on  war  bonds $1/225,50000 

Due  ou  military  claims * 146,279  87 


Increase, §1,371,779  87 

The  entire  public  debt  of  the  State  now  stands  as 
follows : 

Five  per  cent,  stocks  growing  out  of  adjustment 

with  creditors  in  1846 $5,325,500  00 

Two  and  a  half  per  cent,  stocks  having  the  same 

origin 2,058,173  50 

War  debt  as  above  stated 1,371,77987 


In  all, $8,745,453  37 

This  statement,  however,  does  not  include  391 
old  Internal  Improvement  bonds  of  $1,000  each, 
said  to  be  outstanding,  the  holders  of  which  failed 
to  comply  with  the  adjustment  made  in  1846. 

GENERAL  RECEIPTS  AND  DISBURSEMENTS. 
The  following  statement  exhibits  the  receipts  and 
expenditures  by  the  treasury  during  the  fiscal  years 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  267 

ending  October  31, 1861  and  1862,  as  shown  by  the 
reports  of  the  Auditor  of  State  : 

Balance  in  the  treasury  November  1,  18GO $134,660  39 

Receipts  for  year  ending  October  31,  1861 2,669,264  93 

Disbursements  for  the  year  ending  Oct.  31,  1861...     3,442,510  57 


Balance  in  treasury  November  1,  1861 $361,414  75 

Receipts  for  the  year  ending  October  31,  1862 $3,486,301  55 

Disbursements  for  the  year  ending  Oct.  31,  1862...     2,974,976  46 


Balance  in  treasury  November  1,  1862 $876,474  42 

GALLANTRY  OP  INDIANA  TROOPS. 

While  we  rejoice  in  the  bravery  displayed  by  all 
the  armies  of  the  United  States,  it  is  a  subject  of 
profound  congratulation  that  the  Indiana  troops 
have  behaved  with  uniform  and  distinguished  gal 
lantry  in  every  action  in  which  they  have  been  en 
gaged.  They  form  a  part  of  every  army  in  the 
field,  and  have  been  among  the  foremost  in  deeds 
of  daring,  while  their  blood  has  hallowed  every 
soil. 

The  American  Annual  Cyclopedia  justly  declares 
that  "the  Indiana  troops  have  been  perhaps  more 
widely  scattered  through  the  different  corps  d'armde 
than  those  of  any  other  State."  The  same  high 
authority,  in  another  place,  speaks  of  the  conduct 
of  Indiana  troops  in  the  field  as  follows  :  "  When 
ever  they  have  been  engaged  in  battle  they  have 
been  eager  to  advance,  steady  in  the  fight,  and 
utterly  averse  to  retreating." 


268         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Our  troops,  hitherto  engaged  in  the  peaceful  pur 
suits  of  trade  and  agriculture,  have  manifested  that 
lofty  courage  and  high-toned  chivalry  of  which 
others  have  talked  so  much  and  possessed  so  little, 
and  which  "belongs  only  to  the  intelligent  patriot, 
who  understands  well  the  sacred  cause  in  which  he 
draws  his  sword. 

Indiana  has  already  made  a  large  investment  of 
her  hest  blood  in  the  cause  of  this  Union,  and  will 
never  consent  to  its  dismemberment,  or  to  a  dishon 
orable  peace.  The  bones  of  her  sons  mingle  with 
the  soil  from  Virginia  and  Missouri  to  Louisiana, 
and  she  will  not  confess  that  the  sacrifice  has  been 
made  in  vain,  or  acknowledge  that  it  was  in  an  un 
holy  cause.  Gen.  Hackleman,  Cols.  Brown,  Bass, 
Link,  Lieut.  Cols.  Hendricks,  Bachman,  Keith, 
Gerber,  Kirkpatrick,  Crosswait,  Topping  and  Wolf; 
Majors  Tanner,  Gavitt,  May,  Arn,  Abbett  and 
Conklin — and  many  others,  of  lower  rank,  but  with 
valor  not  less  distinguished,  have  yielded  up  their 
lives  upon  the  field  that  our  country  might  be  pre 
served.  Thousands  of  our  private  soldiers,  with 
equal  courage  and  patriotism,  have  fallen,  the  vic 
tims  of  this  unnatural  rebellion.  They  were  fight 
ing  from  deep  convictions  of  duty  and  the  love  they 
bore  their  country.  Their  unlettered  graves  mark 
an  hundred  battle-fields,  and  our  country  can  never 
discharge  to  their  memory  and  their  posterity  the 
debt  of  gratitude  it  owes.  Our  gratitude  should 
be  testified  by  the  tender  care  we  take  of  their  fami- 


COVERXOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  2G9 

lies  and  dependent  ones  whom  they  left  behind,  by 
the  education  of  their  children,  and  by  the  honor 
we  pay  to  their  memory. 

'Nor  should  we  forget  those  who  have  perished 
by  disease  in  the  camp  or  hospital.  They  were 
denied  the  soldier's  privilege  of  dying  in  battle,  but 
their  sacrifice  was  none  the  less.  To  die  in  the  field 
amid  the  clash  of  contending  armies  and  the  roar 
of  battle,  fighting  in  a  holy  cause,  is  glorious ;  but 
when  death  comes  slowly  on,  in  the  loneliness  and 
desolation  of  the  hospital,  with  no  mother  or  Sister 
present  to  soothe  the  passing  spirit  and  minister  as 
love  only  can  minister ;  with  none  but  the  rough 
hand  of  a  comrade  to  press  the  clammy  brow  and 
perform  the  last  offices  to  the  dying,  it  is  terrible. 

SOLDIERS'   FAMILIES. 

Notwithstanding  all  that  was  being  done  by  pub 
lic  and  private  benevolence,  toward  supporting  the 
families  of  soldiers,  the  evidence  came  to  me  from 
every  part  of  the  State,  that  many  families  were 
destitute,  and  that  great  suffering  must  ensue  dur 
ing  this  winter,  unless  active  steps  "were  taken  to 
raise  contributions  and  provide  for  the  needy. 

Accordingly,  I  issued  an  appeal  to  the  people  of 
the  State,  a  copy  of  which  is  herewith  filed,  stating 
the  necessity  and  calling  upon  all  who  were  able  to 
contribute  of  their  means.  I  am  gratified  to  be 
able  to  report,  that  a  very  generous  response  has 
been  made  to  the  appeal,  that  active  measures  have 


270          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

been  initiated  in  many  counties  in  the  State,  to  re 
lieve  the  necessities  and  provide  for  the  comfort  of 
the  families  of  our  soldiers  who  have  abandoned 
home  and  all  its  endearments  to  fight  the  battles 
of  our  country.  The  clergy  of  the  state  were  espe 
cially  called  upon  to  engage  in  the  work  of  visita 
tion  and  collecting  contributions  and  have,  as  I 
am  informed,  generally  responded  with  zeal  and 
energy. 

It  is,  however,  manifest  that  all  efforts  will  fall 
short  of  meeting  the  necessities  of  the  case,  and 
that  legislative  aid  will  be  required. 

The  circumstances  by  which  we  are  surrounded 
are  novel  and  extraordinary,  and  should  be  met  by 
prompt  and  extraordinary  measures. 

I  therefore  earnestly  invite  the  early  and  favor 
able  consideration  of  this  subject  by  the  Legislature. 

LEGION. 

At  the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature  a  militia 
law  was  passed,  providing  for  the  organization  of 
the  Indiana  Legion. 

Although  this  law  was  defective  in  many  res 
pects,  and  should  be  amended,  yet  it  provided  the 
frame-work  of  an  organization  which  has  rendered 
most  valuable  service  during  the  war.  To  the  offi 
cers  and  men  of  the  Indiana  Legion,  the  State 
chiefly  owes  the  immunity  she  has  enjoyed  from  in 
vasion,  plunder  and  murder,  by  the  guerrilla  and 
marauding  bands  which  infested  many  of  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  271 

adjoining  counties  in  Kentucky.  Not  only  so,  their 
aid  and  protection  has  been  cheerfully  and  success 
fully  extended  to  the  loyal  citizens  of  Kentucky, 
when  it  has  been  called  for.  On  several  occasions 
they  met  the  enemy  in  battle,  when  they  ably 
maintained  the  credit  of  the  State,  and  behaved 
with  that  distinguished  courage  which  has  charac 
terized  the  soldiers  of  Indiana  throughout  this  war. 
Some  have  fallen  in  battle,  and  I  earnestly  recom 
mend  that  their  families  be  provided  for,  and  placed 
on  a  footing  at  least  equal  to  the  families  of  those 
who  fall  in  the  Federal  service.  They  also  rendered 
prompt  and  efficient  service  in  guarding  rebel  pris 
oners  when  the  Federal  forces  performing  that  duty 
were  called  into  the  field.  Although  the  organiza 
tion  and  operation  of  the  Legion  have  been  chiefly 
confined  to  the  counties  bordering  on  the  Ohio  river, 
yet  much  has  been  done  in  some  of  the  interior 
counties,  and  among  them  I  would  especially  notice 
the  counties  of  Jennings,  Decatur,  Shelby,  Tippe- 
canoe,  Putnam,  Parke  and  Vigo.  The  response 
which  was  made  from  those  counties,  o\\  sudden 
calls  for  military  force,  was  of  the  most  energetic 
iind  satisfactory  character.  For  a  full  account  of 
the  operation  of  the  Legion,  I  refer  you  to  the  able 
and  interesting  report  of  Major  General  Love. 
Your  attention  is  also  specially  called  to  the  recom 
mendations  contained  in  his  report  relative  to  the 
amendment  of  the  militia  law.  It  is  very  im 
portant  that  provision  be  made  presenting  induce- 


272         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ments  to  join  the  Legion,  by  proper  exemptions  and 
payment,  and  conferring  the  authority  and  pointing 
out  the  manner,  by  which  the  members  of  compa 
nies  shall  be  compelled  to  attend  meetings  for  drill 
and  respond  to  calls  for  service.  Such  authority  is 
doubtless  contained  in  the  law  now,  but  its  mode 
of  exercise  is  not  determined.  The  Legislature 
appropriated,  for  the  support  of  the  Legion,  $70,- 

000  for  the  year  1861,  and  §70,000  for  the  year 
1862.     As  will  appear  from  the  Auditor's  report, 
only  the  sum  of  $7,352  23  has  been  expended  on 
these  appropriations  up  to  the  31st  day  of  October 
last.      The   distribution    of   the   fund   among   the 
counties  and  regiments,  as  required  by  the  act  was 
never  made  by  the  Adjutant  General,  because  of 
insuperable  difficulties  growing  out  of  defects   in 
the  law,  and  the  organization    of  the  companies. 

1  trust   the  Legislature  will  make  prompt  provi 
sion  for  the  payment  of  all  claims  growing  out  of 
the  operations  of  the  Legion,  and  for  a  proper  dis 
tribution  of  the  fund. 

Strongly  impressed  how  much  the  peace  and 
security  of  the  State  depended  on  the  efficiency  of 
the  Legion,  in  the  month  of  October,  I  summoned 
the  officers  to  this  city  to  receive  military  instruc 
tions  in  a  school  temporarily  organized  and  con 
ducted  by  Major  General  Love.  Some  400  gentle 
men  were  in  attendance,  and  the  spirit  and  devo 
tion  manifested  by  them,  and  their  progress  in  mill- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  273 

tary  knowledge,  were  of  the  most  encouraging  and 
satisfactory  character. 

PROCLAMATION  CALLING  OUT  THE  MILITIA. 

At  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Kentucky  by 
Kirby  Smith,  the  guerrillas  infested  the  Kentucky 
side  of  the  Ohio  river,  from  Lawrenceburg  to  Mount 
Yernon,  and  at  several  points  large  bodies  of  rebel 
cavalry  were  assembled,  and  seemed  to  be  awaiting 
an  opportunity  to  cross  the  river  and  invade  the 
State.  The  river  was  very  low,  in  many  places 
fordable,  and  much  alarm  prevailed  in  our  border 
counties. 

Accordingly,  I  issued  a  proclamation,  of  which  a 
copy  is  herewith  filed,  requiring  all  the  able-bodied 
men,  subject  to  military  service,  between  the  ages  of 
18  and  45,  in  the  counties,  bordering  on  the  Ohio 
river,  to  assemble  at  stated  periods,  with  whatever 
arms  they  could  command,  to  organize  themselves 
into  companies  and  be  instructed  in  military  tactics. 
This  proclamation  was  very  generally  acquiesced  in, 
and  carried  into  execution  by  the  people,  and  was 
continued  as  long  as  the  emergency  seemed  to  re 
quire.  The  preparations  thus  made,  in  connection 
'with  the  Legion,  for  repelling  and  punishing  inva 
sion,  deterred  the  guerrilla  and  marauding  parties, 
who  were  plundering  and  murdering  the  Union 
men  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  protected 
the  lives  and  property  of  our  citizens. 


274       LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 
ADJUTANT  GENEP^AL. 

I  lay  before  you  the  able  and  interesting  report  of 
Adjutant  General  Noble. 

It  contains  a  brief  history  of  the  operations  of 
the  State  in  furnishing  troops  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  and  much  most  valuable  information.  I 
have  instructed  him  to  prepare  another  report,  to 
contain  the  name  of  every  officer  and  private  sol 
dier  who  has  entered  the  army  from  Indiana,  with 
the  number  of  the  regiment,  company  or  battery  to 
which  he  belonged.  Such  a  report  would  be  inval 
uable  hereafter  as  a  work  of  history. 

STATE  AGENCY. 

The  report  of  Hon.  R.  IN".  Hudson,  the  Agent  of 
State,  is  herewith  laid  before  you,  and  your  atten 
tion  invited  to  the  recommendations  contained  in 
it,  to  change  the  form  of  indebtedness,  by  substitut 
ing  coupon  bonds  for  certificates  of  stock,  and  abol 
ish  the  office  of  Agent  of  State,  as  at  present 
organized.  By  the  terms  of  the  compromise  with 
the  bond-holders,  made  in  1846,  the  State  is  re 
quired  to  keep  an  office  in  New  York  for  the  trans 
fer  of  our  stocks  and  the  payment  of  the  interest 
on  them.  But  this  agreement  can  be  complied  with 
fully  by  selecting  some  responsible  bank,  in  such 
manner  as  may  be  determined  upon  by  the  Legis 
lature,  to  perform  the  duties  that  are  now  devolved 
upon  the  Agent  of  State.  Under  the  present  sys- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  275 

tern  the  risk  attending  the  solvency  of  a  bank  has 
to  be  incurred,  for  the  Agent  having  no  means  of 
safe-keeping  the  money  remitted  to  him  by  the 
Treasurer  of  State,  deposits  it  in  bank,  and  in  pay 
ment  of  interest  to  the  holders  of  our  stocks  gives 
his  checks  upon  the  bank. 

So  much  of  the  business,  therefore,  being  neces 
sarily  done  through  the  bank,  I  am  of  the  opinion 
that  the  rest  of  it  could  be  devolved  upon  the  bank, 
with  increased  safety  and  economy  to  the  State. 

In  1846  the  State  of  Indiana  made  an  adjustment 
with  her  creditors,  under  which  the  former  State 
bonds  were  to  be  surrendered  and  canceled  upon 
certain  conditions,  and  new  stocks  issued  in  ex 
change.  Out  of  this  adjustment  sprung  the  Indiana 
five  per  cent,  stocks,  as  known  in  the  New  York 
market. 

One  of  the  conditions  of  the  adjustment  was,  that 
the  State  should  establish  an  agency  in  the  city  of 
~NQW  York  for  the  transfer  of  these  stocks  and  the 
payment  of  the  interest  upon  them. 

By  express  enactment  of  the  Legislature,  it  was 
provided  that  these  new  certificates  of  stocks  should 
be  transferable  only  at  the  agency  in  the  city  of 
JSTew  York,  on  books  provided  for  that  purpose. 
When  stock  was  transferred  the  old  certificate  was 
taken  up  and  canceled,  and  a  new  one  issued,  made 
payable  to  the  person  to  whom  the  transfer  was 
made.  These  certificates  were  not  payable  to  bearer, 
did  not  pass  by  delivery  from  hand  to  hand,  and 


276         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

were  not  negotiable  in  the  sense  of  the  law  mer 
chant.  It  was  expressly  intended  they  should  not 
be.  At  and  before  the  time  of  the  adjustment 
spoken  of  it  was  claimed  by  the  State  that  numbers 
of  her  bonds,  which  had  been  deposited  in  New 
York,  or  hypothecated  for  small  sums  of  money, 
and  for  which  the  State  had  received  little  or  no 
consideration,  had  been  improperly  and  fraudulently 
put  into  circulation.  But  as  they  were  genuine, 
made  payable  to  bearer,  and  the  property  in  them 
passed  by  mere  delivery,  she  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  recognize  them  as  valid  obligations.  These 
circumstances  led  to  the  peculiar  provisions  in  re 
gard  to  the  new  stocks.  To  carry  out  the  new 
arrangement,  printed  forms  of  the  certificates  of 
stocks,  signed  by  the  Auditor  and  Treasurer  of  the 
State  of  Indiana,  were  deposited  with  the  State 
Agent,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to  be  by  him 
countersigned  and  filled  up  as  to  dates,  amounts, 
names  of  parties,  and  registered  in  books  provided 
by  the  State  for  that  purpose.  It  is  not  improper 
to  state  here  that  this  form  and  mode  of  transfer, 
before  being  enacted  into  a  law,  was  submitted  to 
and  received  the  approval  of  Charles  Butler,  Esq., 
the  agent  and  representative  of  the  bond-holders,  at 
the  time  of  the  adjustment  referred  to,  as  I  am  in 
formed  and  believe.  Fears  were  entertained,  how 
ever,  that  by  the  fraud  or  connivance  of  the  State 
Agent,  false  certificates  might  be  issued  and  frauds 
perpetrated.  Accordingly,  the  State  Legislature, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  277 

by  an  act  which  took  effect  on  the  llth  day  of 
March,  1859,  changed  the  mode  and  place  of  issue 
of  certificates  of  stock. 

By  this  act  it  was  provided,  that  thereafter  no 
certificates  of  stock  should  be  issued  by  the  Agent 
of  State,  but  that  on  the  presentation  to  him  of  cer 
tificates  for  transfer,  he  should  receipt  for  them,  and 
immediately  transmit  them  to  the  Auditor  of  State, 
at  Indianapolis;  that  the  Auditor  should  cancel 
them  and  file  them  in  his  office,  for  preservation  and 
reference,  and  issue,  in  the  name  of  the  person  to 
whom  the  transfer  was  to  be  made,  new  certificates 
of  stock,  to  be  signed  by  him  and  the  Treasurer  of 
State,  and  after  registering  them  in  a  book  to  be 
provided  by  the  Auditor  for  that  purpose,  send  them 
to  the  Agent  of  State,  to  be  by  him  registered  and 
delivered  to  the  proper  person,  upon  presentation 
of  the  receipt.  The  fourth  section  of  this  act  de 
clares  that  any  certificate  of  stock  issued  or  trans 
ferred  in  violation  of  the  provisions  of  the  act  shall 
be  deemed  fraudulent  and  void  as  against  the  State 
of  Indiana.  It  will  be  perceived  that  this  act 
throws  additional  and,  in  my  opinion,  abundant 
safeguards  around  the  issue  of  the  stock.  To  avoid 
the  dangers  and  temptations  which  this  change  in 
the  law  was  designed  to  guard  against,  as  soon  as 
the  new  law  went  into  operation,  the  blank  certifi 
cates,  signed  by  the  officers  of  State,  in  the  hands 
of  the  State  Agent,  should  have  been  promptly 


278          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

withdrawn  by  the  officers  of  State  and  destroyed. 
This  was  not  done. 

When  Col.  Hudson,  the  present  State  Agent, 
came  into  office,  early  in  February,  1861,  he  found 
in  the  office  in  New  York  three  bound  volumes  of 
the  forms,  which  he  immediately  canceled,  by 
punching  a  hole  through  the  signature  of  each  form. 

STOVER  FRAUD. 

In  this  connection  I  invite  your  attention  to  the 
gigantic  forgeries  of  Indiana  five  per  cent,  stocks 
which  have  been  committed  in  New  York. 

The  Hon.  James  A.  Cravens  was  elected  State 
Agent  in  February,  1859.  He  held  the  office  about 
nine  months,  during  which  time  D.  C.  Stover  acted 
as  his  clerk.  He  then  resigned,  and  Air.  Stover  \vas 
appointed  by  Gov.  "Willard,  to  fill  the  vacancy. 
He  continued  in  office  under  this  appointment 
until  February,  1861,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Col. 
Hudson,  the  present  incumbent,  who  had  been  duly 
elected  by  the  Legislature.  The  forged  certificates 
of  stock  were  executed  upon  the  blank  forms  left 
in  tke  office  of  the  Agent  of  State,  which  had  been 
signed  by  W.  K.  Nofsinger  as  State  Treasurer  and 
II.  E.  Talbott  as  State  Auditor.  These  gentlemen 
came  into  office  early  in  1855,  and  went  out  early 
in  1857,  having  served  two  years.  The  forgery  con 
sisted  in  falsely  filling  up  the  blanks  as  to  dates, 
names  of  payees  and  amounts,  and  signing  the 
name  of  James  A.  Cravens  as  Agent  of  State.  The 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  279 

forged  certificates,  so  far  as  I  am  advised,  bear  date 
in  March,  April  and  June,  1859,  thus  purporting 
to  be  executed  during  the  period  in  which  Mr.  Cra 
vens  was  State  Agent,  though  I  believe  they  were 
executed  and  issued  at  a  later  date.  I  am  informed 
by  Col.  Hudson,  that  the  forged  certificates  were  all 
made  payable  to  Samuel  Hallett  except  about  $100,- 
000  payable  to  a  person  by  the  name  of  Deschaux. 
He  further  informs  me  that  the  whole  amount  issued, 
so  far  as  he  has  been  able  to  discover,  is  $2,538,000, 
of  which  amount  $1,295,000  has  been  retired  and 
destroyed.  Col.  Hudson  states,  that  he  discovered 
the  existence  of  this  spurious  stock  in  a  few  weeks 
after  he  came  into  office,  and  immediately  charged 
the  matter  upon  Mr.  Stover,  who  confessed  it  all, 
but  said  there  was  only  about  $200,000  out,  and 
that  if  the  matter  were  kept  secret,  he,  and  those 
operating  with  him,  would  take  up  and  destroy 
them,  so  that  nobody  should  lose  anything  by  them. 
Col.  Hudson  further  says,  not  knowing  what  might 
be  the  liability  of  the  State  upon  these  certificates, 
be  deemed  it  highly  important  for  her  interest  that 
they  should  be  gotten  oft*  the  market  and  destroy 
ed,  and,  for  that  purpose,  agreed  with  them,  for  the 
time,  to  communicate  the  matter  to  nobody,  with 
out  however,  giving  them  any  assurance  that  they 
should  not  be  ultimately  exposed  and  prosecuted. 

Tbe  knowledge  of  this  forgery  was  first  commu 
nicated  to  me  about  the  latter  part  of  January  last, 
by  Messrs.  James  M.  Ray  and  Jesse  J.  Brown,  two 


280          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  the  Loan  Commissioners,  appointed  by  the  State 
to  negotiate  her  War  Loan. 

They  had  learned  it  from  Mr.  Lanier,  of  the  firm 
of  Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co.,  who  had  discovered  it  in 
some  way  about  the  first  of  December  previous.  I 
immediately  repaired  to  New  York,  and  in  company 
with  the  Hon.  John  P.  Usher,  then  the  Attorney 
General  of  Indiana,  and  Jesse  J.  Brown,  Esq., 
endeavored  to  investigate  the  afikir.  In  the  opin 
ion  and  confidence  entertained  by  Colonel  Hudson, 
and  some  other  gentlemen  who  had  been  consulted, 
that  Mr.  Stover  and  those  acting  with  -him  would 
retire  the  fraudulent  stocks,  I  jlid  not  share,  and  was 
not  for  that  or  any  other  reason  in  favor  of  delaying 
their  exposure  and  prosecution  a  single  hour. 

Accordingly,  I  proceeded  at  once  to  place  all  the 
facts  of  which  I  had  any  knowledge,  in  the  posses 
sion  of  Mr.  Hall,  the  district  attorney  prosecuting 
the  pleas  of  the  State  for  the  city  of  New  York. 

The  crime  had  been  committed  in  New  York, 
and  to  the  laws  and  authorities  of  that  State  its  pun 
ishment  belonged. 

Mr.  Hall,  after  deliberation,  and  such  investiga 
tion  as  he  could  make,  determined  that  an  exposure 
and  prosecution  of  the  parties  at  that  time  would  be 
highly  inexpedient,  and  informed  me  that  he  took 
the  responsibility  of  deferring  any  public  disclosure 
and  prosecution  until  such  time  as  in  his  judgment 
It  was  proper  to  make  them. 

Matters  thus  stood  from  February  until    about 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  281 

the  2  7 tli  day  of  May,  when  learning  that  the  affair 
had  become  public  in  New  York,  and  believing  that 
no  reason  could  exist  for  further  delay  in  the  prose 
cution,  I  caused  the  arrest  of  Mr.  Stover,  who  was 
then  in  this  State,  and  sent  him  to  New  York.  On 
his  arrest  he  freely  consented  to  go,  and  waived  all 
process  or  formal  authority.  The  Hon.  John  F. 
Kibbey,  then  acting  Attorney  General,  by  my  direc 
tion  proceeded  to  New  York,  and  under  the  instruc 
tions  of  Mr.  Hall,  filed  a  complaint  before  the  grand 
jury,  in  the  name  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  and 
demanded  an  investigation. 

The  grand  jury  returned  bills  of  indictment 
against  Stover  and  Hallett.  At  the  September  term 
of  the  court  in  which  the  bills  were  pending,  the 
court  quashed  the  indictments  against  Hallett,  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  no  crime  against  the  laws  of 
Kew  York  to  forge  certificates  or  obligations  pur 
porting  on  their  face  to  be  executed  by  the  State  of 
Indiana.  From  this  decision  Mr.  Hall  has  prose 
cuted  a  writ  of  error  to  the  Court  of  Appeals,  but 
no  decision  thereon  has  been  had. 

The  indictments  against  Stover  are  still  pending. 
When  this  forgery  was  first  made  public,  Indiana 
securities  were  suddenly  depressed  in  the  market 
from  ten  to  twenty  per  cent.,  but  soon  after  rallied 
to  nearly  or  quite  their  former  rates. 

To  avoid  all  embarrassment  in  the  future,  which 
might  arise  from  the  existence  of  the  forged  certifi 
cates,  I  recommend  that  the  Auditor  of  State  be 
24 


282         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

authorized  to  procure  a  new  plate,  differing  in  form 
and  appearance  from  the  old,  upon  which  new  cer 
tificates  shall  be  printed,  and  that  the  holders  of  all 
genuine  stocks  be  requested  to  surrender  them  and 
receive  instead,  certificates  of  the  new  impression. 

JULY  INTEREST  ON  STOCKS. 

Many  of  the  Western  States,  among  them  Ohio 
and  Illinois,  were  making  provision  in  New  York, 
to  pay  the  interest  on  their  debt,  in  coin,  in  order 
to  maintain  the  credit  of  their  stocks. 

As  the  credit  of  Indiana  had  received  a  shock  by 
the  development  of  forgeries  of  her  stocks,  and  as 
the  circulation  of  many  of  the  free  banks  of  Indi 
ana  was  based  upon  Indiana  stocks,  it  seemed  to  me 
especially  important,  that  she  should  take  the  same 
course,  in  order  to  assure  her  creditors  and  the  pub 
lic  that  her  ability  and  disposition  to  pay  her  debts 
were  in  no  wise  disturbed  or  impaired  by  this  assault 
upon  her  credit.  Accordingly,  I  instructed  Mr. 
Harvey,  Treasurer  of  State,  to  provide,  if  he  could 
upon  reasonable  terms,  the  coin  with  which  to  pay 
the  July  interest  upon  our  stocks.  This  he  did, 
upon  the  terms,  and  in  the  manner  stated  in  his 
report.  The  announcement  of  the  purpose  of  the 
State  to  pay  her  interest  in  coin,  had  an  immediate 
and  salutary  effect  in  restoring  confidence  and  bring 
ing  back  the  value  of  our  stocks  to  its  former 
standard. 

At  the  time  I  directed  the  payment  of  the  July 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  283 

interest  in  coin,  the  premium  on  coin  was  very 
small,  but  has  since  increased  so  greatly  as  to  forbid 
the  like  arrangement  for  the  January  interest. 

COMMON  SCHOOLS. 

The  operations  of  the  Common  School  system 
for  the  past  two  years  have  been  quite  successful. 
The  amendments  made  to  the  School  law  at  the  last 
regular  session,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  have  worked 
well,  and  meet  with  general  approval.  The  report 
of  Prof.  Miles  J.  Fletcher,  Superintendent  of  Pub 
lic  Instruction,  for  the  year  1861,  is  laid  before  you, 
but  the  report  of  the  present  Superintendent,  Sam 
uel  L.  Rugg,  for  the  year  1862,  has  not  been  com 
pleted.  Th  e  Rev.  Samuel  K.  Hoshou  r  was  appoi  nted 
to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  death  of  Mr. 
Fletcher,  who  held  the  office  until  his  successor  was 
duly  elected  and  qualified. 

DEATH  OF  MILES  J.  FLETCHER. 

The  death  of  Miles  J.  Fletcher  was  a  misfortune 
to  the  State.  Possessed  of  fine  talents,  highly  edu 
cated,  endowed  with  every  accomplishment  that 
can  make  a  man  attractive  in  society,  with  a  heart 
full  of  the  warmest  affections  and  the  most  gener 
ous  impulses,  he  united  with  all  these  an  indomita 
ble  energy  of  character  that  gave  no  rest,  and  ever 
pressed  him  forward  in  the  path  of  duty.  His 
industry  was  a  marvel,  and  the  amount  of  labor  he 
accomplished  wonderful.  The  duties  of  his  office 


284          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

he  discharged,  not  scantily  as  a  task,  but  with  a 
devotion  and  pleasure  that  were  satisfied  only  with 
a  full  performance.  The  cause  of  education  he 
regarded  of  the  first  importance,  and  the  vocation 
and  calling  of  the  educator  the  most  honorable  and 
dignified,  next  to  that  of  the  Christian  minister. 
The  misfortunes  of  his  country  deeply  afflicted  him, 
and  notwithstanding  the  delight  he  took  in  the  per 
formance  of  his  official  duties,  and  his  untiring 
devotion  to  the  education  of  youth,  he  would  have 
resigned  his  office  and  gone  to  the  field,  had  he  not 
been  dissuaded  by  his  friends,  who  urged  that  he 
could  serve  his  country  better  in  the  position  he 
then  held.  He  devoted  much  time,  labor  and  mon 
ey  to  the  care  of  the  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 
He  visited  the  hospitals  and  the  field  of  battle  to 
hunt  up  and  minister  to  the  neglected  and  the 
dying,  and  in  carrying  a  wounded  man  upon  a 
steamboat  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  shortly  after  the 
battle  of  Shiloh,  suffered  a  bodily  injury,  from 
which  most  likely  he  could  never  recover.  When 
he  was  killed,  he  had  started  upon  another  mission 
of  mercy  to  the  army.  I  was  standing  by  his  side 
at  the  moment  of  his  death,  and  never  before  did  1 
have  brought  home  to  me  in  such  full  force,  that 
saying  of  the  poet,  "  That  in  the  midst  of  life  we 
are  in  death.  "  Had  I  been  asked  a  moment  before 
who,  among  all  the  young  men  of  Indiana,  bade 
fairest  for  a  life  of  great  usefulness  and  fame,  I 
would  have  answered,  Miles  J.  Fletcher. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  285 

BENEVOLENT  INSTITUTIONS. 

The  reports  of  the  Boards  of  Trustees  of  the 
Asylum  for  the  Blind,  Institution  for  the  Deaf  and 
Dumb  and  Hospital  for  the  Insane,  are  herewith 
submitted.  The  management  of  these  Institutions 
for  the  past  two  years  has  been  eminently  successful 
and  satisfactory.  The  superintendents  have  dis 
played  ability  and  fidelity,  as  well  as  the  subordin 
ate  officers  and  teachers,  arul  I  commend  the  reports 
to  your  especial  consideration,  and  the  Institutions 
to  your  fostering  care  and  attention. 

PRISONS  NORTH  AND  SOUTH. 

At  the  regular  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1861, 
the  sum  of  10,000  dollars  was  appropriated  for  the 
purchase  of  materials,  and  construction  of  the 
Northern  Prison,  located  at  Michigan  city,  for  the 
year  1861,  and  a  like  sum  for  the  }Tear  1862.  At 
the  extra  session  in  1861,  the  sum  of  $30,000 
was  appropriated  for  materials  and  construction  of 
the  Northern  Prison,  and  for  the  support  of  con 
victs,  and  the  payment  of  the  expenses  incurred  for 
the  month  of  January,  1861. 

At  the  same  session  a  law  was  passed  for  the  trans 
fer  of  200  convicts  from  the  Southern  Prison,  at  Jef- 
fersonville,  to  the  Northern  Prison,  but  no  pro 
vision  was  made  for  their  return  in  case  their  labor 
should  not  be  required.  At  the  same  session  an  act 
was  passed  providing  that  all  persons  sent  to  the 


286          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

penitentiary  from  counties  north  of  the  national 
road  should  be  confined  in  the  Northern  Prison. 
The  work  in  the  construction  of  the  prison  was  vig 
orously  pressed  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1861,  and 
it  was  found  necessary,  by  the  board  of  directors, 
in  order  to  keep  the  convict  labor  employed,  to 
anticipate,  and  draw  upon  the  appropriation  made 
for  the  construction  of  the  prison  in  1862  ;  so  that 
when  the  work  for  the  year  1861  was  closed  up, 
there  remained  unexpended  of  the  fund  appropria 
ted  for  the  construction  of  the  prison  in  1862,  but 
about  $3,000.  It  was  apparent,  then,  that  the 
labor  of  the  convicts  could  not  be  employed  in 
the  construction  of  the  prison  during  the  year  1862, 
for  the  want  of  means  with  which  to  purchase  the 
necessary  materials.  The  labor  of  the  convicts 
could  not  be  leased  or  hired  out  to  contractors  for 
the  want  of  shops  in  the  prison  in  which  they  could 
be  employed.  To  work  the  convicts  out  of  the 
prison  and  about  the  town,  would  be  so  expensive, 
in  the  employment  of  guards,  as  to  make  their 
labor  unprofitable ;  beside  there  was  no  authority 
for  doing  so,  except  as  connected  with  the  construc 
tion  of  the  prison. 

As  the  matter  stood,  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
convict  labor  should  be  almost  wholly  unemployed 
throughout  the  year  1862,  and  must  so  continue 
until  the  prison  shops  were  constructed,  when  the 
labor  might  be  hired  to  contractors,  as  in  other  pris 
ons.  If  the  shops  were  constructed  in  1862,  this 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  287 

labor  could  be  made  remunerative  through  the  year 
1863,  but  if  not  constructed  until  1863,  this  could 
not  happen  until  1864.  It  was  evident  that  the 
State  would  sustain  a  great  loss  by  the  delay  in  the 
construction  of  the  shops,  and  accordingly  the 
board  of  directors  convened  in  this  city  in  February 
last,  and  ni}7self  and  other  State  officers  invited  to 
be  present  for  consultation  ;  and  after  full  consider 
ation  of  the  subject,  it  was  believed  by  all  to  be 
clearly  to  the  interest  of  the  State  that  the  work  of 
construction  of  the  shops  should  be  commenced  at 
the  earliest  moment,  provided  the  contract  could  be 
let  at  fair  prices,  and  the  contractor,  being  fully 
advised  of  the  condition  of  affairs,  should  be  will 
ing  to  await  the  action  of  the  Legislature  for  his 
pay.  The  board  of  directors  then  proceeded  to 
advertise  for  proposals  for  the  work,  and  a  public 
letting  was  had.  I  directed  Mr.  John  B.  Stumph, 
of  this  city,  reputed  to  be  an  honest  and  capable 
builder,  to  be  present  at  the  letting,  and  see  that  the 
contract  was  properly  made,  and  in  accordance  with 
the  plans  and  specifications  before  that  time  adopted 
by  the  State  for  the  construction  of  the  shops.  The 
contract,  I  have  every  reason  to  believe,  was  fairly 
made,  upon  terms,  as  I  am  informed,  fifteen  per 
cent,  below  the  original  contract  for  the  same  work, 
and  at  least  twenty  per  cent,  below  what  the  same 
work  could  now  be  let  for  in  cash.  The  shops 
have  been  completed,  and  Mr.  Stumph  was  again 
directed  to  examine  and  measure  the  work :  his 


288          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

report  of  the  letting,  quality  and  measurement  of 
the  work  is  herewith  submitted.  In  view  of  the 
early  completion  of  the  shops,  the  board  of  direc 
tors  were  able  to  lease  the  labor  of  the  convicts 
upon  terms  highly  favorable  to  the  State.  This 
business  is  a  proper  subject  for  legislative  investi 
gation,  which  I  hope  will  be  promptly  made,  and 
that  means  will  be  speedily  provided  to  pay  the  con 
tractor  the  amount  which  shall  be  found  to  be  hon 
estly  due. 

The  report  of  the  board  of  directors,  together 
with  that  of  the  warden  and  superintendent,  are 
herewith  submitted.  The  general  administration 
of  the  affairs  of  the  prison  have  been  satisfactory, 
and  the  board  of  directors  have  manifested  much 
zeal  and  ability  in  the  discharge  of  the  important 
duties  entrusted  to  them. 

The  report  of  the  board  of  directors  and  warden 
of  the  Southern  Prison,  at  Jeffersonville,  is  here 
with  submitted.  The  affairs  of  this  prison,  I 
believe,  have  been  well  managed,  and  I  know  of  no 
just  grounds  for  complaint.  I  recommend,  how 
ever,  that  the  management,  condition  and  wants  of 
both  prisons  receive  the  early  and  thorough  consid 
eration  of  the  Legislature. 

UNITED  STATES  ARSENAL  AND  ARMORY. 

At  the  last  session  of  Congress  an  act  was  passed, 
appropriating  $100,000  for  the  purchase  of  grounds 
and  construction  of  buildings,  and  necessary  me- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  289 

chinery  for  an  Arsenal  and  Armory  to  be  located 
in  this  city. 

The  grounds  have  been  purchased  and  the  con 
struction  of  the  buildings  will  be  commenced,  as 
soon  as  the  Legislature  shall  have  relinquished  the 
jurisdiction  over  such  grounds,  so  far  as  required  by 
the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

\ 

CONGRESSIONAL  DONATION. 

On  the  2d  day  of  July,  1862,  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  passed  an  act  donating  to  each  of  the 
States  not  in  rebellion  against  the  Government,  an 
amount  of  public  lands  equal  to  30,000  acres  for 
each  senator  and  representative  in  Congress,  to 
which  the  States  are  respectively  entitled  by  the 
apportionment  under  the  census  of  1860.  This 
entitles  Indiana  to  390,000  acres.  Whenever  there 
are  public  lands  in  the  State,  subject  to  sale  at  pri 
vate  entry  at  $1.25  per  acre,  the  quantity  to  which 
the  State  is  entitled  shall  be  selected  from  such  lands, 
but  if  there  are  no  such  lands  in  the  State,  or  not 
enough,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  to  issue  to 
the  State  land  scrip  for  the  requisite  number  of 
acres.  This  scrip  can  not  be  located  by  the  State  to 
which  it  is  issued,  but  must  be  sold;  but  the  pur 
chasers  may  locate  it  upon  any  of  the  unappropri 
ated  lands  of  the  United  States  subject  to  sale  at  pri 
vate  entry  at  $1.25  or  less  per  acre. 

There  being  no  public  lands  in  this  State  for  sale 
at  private  entry,  held  by  the  Government  at  $1.25 
25 


290  GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 

per  acre,  Indiana  is  entitled  to  receive  her  donation 
in  scrip. 

This  donation  is  made  upon  the  following  condi 
tions  :  First — That  all  moneys  derived  from  the 
sale  of  lands  or  scrip  shall  be  invested  in  stocks  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  the  States,  or  some  other 
safe  stocks  yielding  not  less  than  five  per  centum 
per  annum,  on  the  par  value. 

Second — That  the  money  so  invested  shall  con 
stitute  a  perpetual  fund,  the  capital  of  which  shall 
never  he  diminished,  except  as  hereinafter  stated. 

Third — The  interest  on  the  stocks  to  be  inviola 
bly  appropriated  by  the  State,  to  the  endowment 
and  support  of  at  least  one  college  in  which  the 
leading  object  shall  be,  without  excluding  scientific 
and  other  classical  studies,  and  including  military 
tactics,  to  teach  such  branches  of  learning  as  are 
related  to  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts. 

Fourth — If  any  portion  of  the  fund  thus  invested 
shall  by  any  contingency  be  lost,  it  shall  be  fully 
restored  by  the  State. 

Fifth — That  no  portion  of  the  said  fund  shall  be 
applied  to  the  purchase,  repair,  or  erection  of  any 
building,  but  that  a  sum  not  exceeding  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  original  amount  may  be  expended  for  the 
purchase  of  sites  or  experimental  farms. 

Sixth — E"o  State  shall  be  entitled  to  the  donation, 
unless  the  Legislature  shall  express  its  acceptance 
thereof,  within  two  years  from  the  date  of  the 
approval  of  the  act  by  the  President. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  291 

I  recommend  that  the  Legislature  promptly 
express  its  acceptance  of  the  grant,  pledging  the 
faith  of  the  State  for  the  performance  of  the  con 
ditions  upon  which  it  is  made. 

The  necessity  for  scientific  instruction  in  agricul 
ture,  is  generally  acknowledged,  and  Congress  in 
tended  by  this  magnificent  donation  to  provide 
means  for  the  permanent  establishment  of  at  least 
one  efficient  agricultural  college  in  each  State. 

The  question  presents  itself  as  to  the  disposition 
which  shall  be  made  of  the  grant.  Shall  it  be  given 
to  the  State  university,  or  apportioned  among  all 
the  colleges  in  the  State,  upon  such  terms  and  con 
ditions  as  the  Legislature  may  prescribe ;  or  shall 
a  new  institution  be  created  expressly  designed  to 
carry  out  the  will  of  Congress  ?  It  may  be  difficult 
now  to  determine  the  question,  from  the  fact  that 
we  can  not  know  how  much  may  be  realized  from 
the  sale  of  scrip.  If  an  amount  should  be  realized 
large  enough  to  endow  respectable  and  successful 
professorships  in  each  of  the  colleges  now  in  the 
State,  attaching  to  them  experimental  farms,  it 
would  perhaps  be  the  best  disposition  of  it  that 
could  be  made.  But  if  it  should  not  be  large  enough 
for  such  division,  which  I  apprehend  will  be  the 
case,  then  I  recommend  that  it  be  applied  to  the 
establishment  of  an  institution  for  agricultural  and 
military  instruction,  to  which  the  children  of  sol 
diers  who  shall  die  in  the  service  during  this  war, 
shall  be  admitted  free  of  charge. 


292       LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ATTORNEY  GENERAL. 

On  the  10th  day  of  October,  1861,  the  Hon. 
James  G.  Jones,  Attorney  General,  resigned  and 
accepted  a  commission  in  the  military  service.  I 
immediately  appointed  the  Hon.  John  P.  Usher  to 
fill  the  vacancy,  who  served  until  the  17th  day  of 
March,  1862,  when  he  resigned,  having  been  called 
to  the  Department  of  the  Interior  as  Assistant  Sec 
retary.  The  vacancy  thus  created  I  filled  by  the 
appointment  of  Hon.  John  F.  Kibbey,  who  served 
until  his  successor  was  elected  and  qualified.  These 
officers  discharged  their  duties  with  ability. 

WEALTH  OF  THE  STATE. 

The  mineral  resources  of  Indiana  are  but  imper 
fectly  understood.  Nearly  one-fourth  of  the  whole 
area  of  the  State  is  a  coal-field,  a  large  part  of  which 
is  of  the  finest  quality  Excellent  iron  ore  is  found 
in  vast  quantities  in  manty  counties,  and  although 
but  little  worked  as  yet,  will  be  the  source  of  great 
wealth  and  prosperity  in  the  future.  Throughout 
the  State,  excepting  a  few  small  localities,  the  soil 
is  rich  and  fertile,  capable  of  producing  all  the 
grains  and  grasses  in  the  greatest  abundance.  The 
State  abounds  in  fine  timber  and  living  streams  of 
water,  and  in  every  respect  presents  the  facilities  for 
an  easy  and  profitable  agriculture ;  while  an  abund 
ance  of  coal  and  water  power  furnishes  the  means 
for  manufacturing  on  the  largest  scale  and  cheapest 
terms.  From  surveys,  geological  examinations,  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  293 

every  source  of  knowledge  open,  in  reference  to  the 
topography  and  soil  of  Indiana,  I  think  it  safe  to 
say  that  no  State  in  the  Union  having  an  equal 
number  of  square  miles  has  less  land  not  suscepti 
ble  of  cultivation.  The  State  is  traversed  in  every 
direction  by  lines  of  railroad  well  managed  and  in 
successful  operation.  In  1860,  there  was  in  the 
State  2,125  miles  of  railroad  in  operation,  the  con 
struction  of  which  is  estimated  to  have  cost  $70,- 
295,148 ;  and  it  may  not  be  improper  to  remark 
that  all  these  roads  were  built  without  the  aid  of 
grants  of  land  by  the  Federal  government.  Yet 
these  roads  do  not  furnish  sufficient  facilities  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  traveling  public,  and  the 
transportation  of  the  immense  productions  of  the 
State.  Some  idea  may  be  obtained  of  the  magni 
tude  of  these  productions  by  giving  the  statistics 
of  a  few  leading  articles  as  shown  by  the  last  census. 
In  1860  there  were  produced  in  the  State : 

69,641,591  bushels  of  corn. 

15,219,120  bushels  of  wheat. 

5,028,755  bushels  of  oats. 

7,246,132  pounds  of  tobacco 

2,466,264  pounds  of  wool. 

3,873,130  bushels  of  Irish  potatoes. 

635,322  tons  of  hay. 

Although  the  population  of  Indiana  has  doubled 
in  the  last  twenty  years,  and  the  general  growth  of 
the  State  in  material  wealth  has  been  in  a  like  ratio, 
yet  we  can  not  doubt  that  the  increase  would  have 


294         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

been  far  greater  but  for  the  operation  of  certain 
causes.  In  1836  the  State  embarked  in  an  extrava 
gant  and  reckless  system  of  internal  improvements. 
To  prosecute  it,  large  sums  of  money  were  required, 
and  borrowed  at  heavy  rates  of  interest,  and  the 
bonds  of  the  State  were  in  many  cases  squandered 
and  passed  into  circulation  without  any  adequate 
consideration  having  been  received.  Many  canals, 
railroads,  and  turnpikes  were  surveyed  and  the  con 
struction  commenced.  But  a  bad  system  in  the 
beginning,  its  prosecution  was  badly  managed,  and 
the  result  was  that  in  1846  the  State  found  itself  in 
debt  to  the  amount  of  $11,090,000,  and  not  a  single 
work  completed,  the  interest  on  the  debt  unpaid, 
and  the  credit  of  the  State  utterly  prostrated.  In 
the  mean  time  many  of  our  citizens,  seeing  that 
the  money  of  the  State  had  been  squandered  while 
but  little  had  been  accomplished,  believing  that 
public  improvements  had  been  indefinitely  postpon 
ed,  that  a  cloud  was  resting  upon  her  reputation, 
and  anticipating  high  taxes  for  many  years  to  come, 
left  the  State  and  sought  new  homes  elsewhere. 
The  financial  character  of  the  State  abroad  had  suf 
fered  greatly.  Some  supposed  the  State  had  repu 
diated  her  debts ;  others  that  she  was  hopelessly 
bankrupt ;  and  others  that  to  recover  from  her  em 
barrassments  her  people  must  be  heavily  taxed  for 
generations  to  come.  By  these  notions,  and  the 
general  bad  impressions  prevailing,  the  current  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  295 

emigration  was  turned  aside  in  great  part,  or  swept 
over  us  to  the  States  in  the  West. 

In  1846  an  arrangement  was  made  with  our  cred 
itors  upon  terms  proposed  by  themselves,  by  which 
nearly  one-half  of  the  debt  was  liquidated  by  the 
transfer  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie  canal,  and  the 
State  resumed  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  other 
half;  but  it  was  not  until  many  years  of  faithful 
discharge  of  her  pecuniary  obligations  the  cre 
dit  of  the  State  was  entirely  restored. 

At  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  an  event  occurred 
which  exercised  an  important  and  pernicious  influ 
ence  on  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  State. 
The  Second  Indiana  regiment,  by  the  cowardice  or 
incompetency  of  a  single  officer,  was  led  into  a  false 
movement  which  resulted  in  a  confused  and  disor 
derly  retreat.  The  regiment  was  composed  of  as 
good  and  brave  men  as  any  other,  but  through  the 
malice  of  the  arch  traitor,  Jeff.  Davis,  who  reported 
them  to  General  Taylor  as  cowards,  or  the  indiffer 
ence  and  stupidity  of  those  who  should  have  vindi 
cated  them,  they  were  publicly  disgraced,  and  with 
them  the  State  to  which  they  belonged.  For  years 
the  Second  Indiana  regiment  was  a  by-word,  and 
the  valor  of  the  State  sneered  at  by  the  ignorant 
and  thoughtless. 

This  affair,  combined  with  the  bad  financial  char 
acter  of  the  State,  led  the  uninformed  abroad  to 
regard  her  with  aversion  or  contempt,  and  the  emi 
grant  was  discouraged  from  coming  within  herbor- 


296         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ders  to  seek  a  home.  "When  a  man  is  about  to  seek 
a  new  home,  very  small  causes  will  determine  him 
to  go  to  oue  State  or  another.  The  general  good 
impression  he  has  of  one,  or  bad  impression  of 
another,  fixes  his  choice. 

If  one  State  is  charged  with  bankruptcy,  or  a 
heavy  debt,  or  suspected  of  heavy  taxes,  or  the 
valor  of  the  people  spoken  of  lightly,  he  will  go 
around  it,  or  rapidly  across  it  without  stopping,  to 
seek  his  new  home  in  one  beyond.  It  is  worth 
while  to  pause  a  moment  and  reflect  upon  what 
trifling  and  irrelevant  causes  the  progress  and  pros 
perity  of  a  State  will  sometimes  depend. 

The  disaster  at  Buena  Vista,  which  should  have 
disgraced  but  a  single  man,  retarded  the  progress 
of  a  great  State ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that,  but  for 
the  causes  I  have  been  considering,  the  population 
of  Indiana  in  1860  would  have  been  quite  2,000,000 
instead  of  1,339,000.  Our  disaster  at  Buena  Vista 
has  happened  to  others  during  this  war,  but  the  fre 
quency  of  the  occurrence  seems  to  have  diminished 
its  importance.  We  are  taught  by  this  passage  in 
our  history,  that  the  honor  of  a  State  should  be  jeal 
ously  preserved.  Whatever  it  may  cost  to  preserve 
its  faith,  it  will  cost  more  if  it  be  suffered  to  tarnish. 
The  folly  of  the  system  of  1837  was  only  exceeded 
by  that  which  subsequently  permitted  the  interest 
on  the  public  debt  to  remain  unpaid  for  six  years. 

But  now,  through  the  progress  of  wealth  and 
population,  and  the  faithful  performance  of  all  obli- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  297 

gallons  for  many  years,  the  credit  of  the  State  is 
entirely  restored  and  placed  upon  a  high  and  secure 
basis ;  while  the  valor  of  her  sons  has  been  vindi 
cated  upon  an  hundred  battle  fields,  and  may  now 
justly  challenge  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

THE  WAR — PRESIDENT'S  PROCLAMATION. 

A  number  of  States  are  in  rebellion  against  the 
Government,  endeavoring  to  dissolve  the  Union, 
and  establish  a  new  confederacy ;  they  have  large 
armies  in  the  field,  and  are  making  war  upon  a 
grand  scale.  It  is  said  by  some  that  we  can  com 
promise,  and  make  peace.  But  what  is  meant  by 
compromise?  Would  consenting  to  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  dismemberment  of  our  territory  and 
establishment  of  an  independent  confederacy  be 
regarded  as  a  compromise  ?  If  so,  we  can  compro 
mise.  Have  the  rebels  ever  intimated,  or  held  out 
proposals  for  peace  on  any  other  terms  ?  If  they 
have,  I  have  no  knowledge  of  it.  On  the  contrary, 
they  have,  in  every  form,  and  on  every  occasion, 
declared  their  unalterable  purpose  to  accept  only  of 
disunion  and  independence. 

Some  two  weeks  ago,  "Win.  L.  Yancey,  one  of  the 
most  able  and  influential  men  in  the  rebel  States, 
was  invited  to  address  the  Legislature  of  Alabama. 
In  the  course  of  his  speech,  he  reviewed  in  the 
most  scornful  and  contemptuous  language,  the  pro 
posals  for  compromise  and  peace,  which  had  come 
from  the  North,  and  spit  upon  the  men  who  offered 


298         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

them,  declaring  that  they  would  prove  as  false  to 
the  South  as  they  had  recreant  to  the  North.  He 
expressed,  however,  a  hope  that  the  South  would 
receive  great  benefit  from  dissensions  in  the  North, 
and  upon  that  subject  used  the  following  language  : 

"  We  have  something  to  hope,  however,  from  this 
division  of  the  councils  of  our  enemies — from  their 
fierce  party  strife  and  jealousies.  Upon  this  hope 
let  us  build  our  own  unity — upon  their  jealousies 
let  us  build  our  own  harmony, — upon  these  clash- 
ings  of  party  interests  let  us  bind  together  our  own 
patriotic  energies — upon  their  selfishness  and  folly 
let  us  base  a  prayer  to  God  that  he  would  enable  us 
to  exhibit,  in  behalf  of  our  beloved  country,  a  self- 
sacrificing  wisdom,  both  in  opinion  and  action,  in 
all  matters  appertaining  to  our  defense." 

Why  then  should  the  people  of  the  North  be 
deluded  with  the  idea  that  compromise  is  possible, 
and  thus  induced  to  abandon  their  efforts  to  sup 
press  the  rebellion  ?  Why  should  they  be  divided 
among  themselves,  and  weakened  by  the  proclama 
tion  of  a  hope  so  utterly  fallacious  ?  Some  there 
are  who  profess  to  believe  that  all  we  have  to  do  to 
bring  about  peace  and  a  restoration  of  the  Union, 
is  to  lay  down  our  arms  and  withdraw  from  the 
conflict.  Peace,  temporary  and  hollow,  might  be 
had  upon  such  terms,  but  not  a  restoration  of  the 
Union.  It  would  be  a  dishonorable  and  shameful 
surrender,  forever  tarnishing  the  character  of  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  299 

Nation,  and  History  would  write  down  as  infamous 
the  instruments  by  which  it  was  accomplished. 

Others  say  that  we  should  re-construct  the  Union, 
,in  doing  which  the  New  England  States  should  be 
left  out.  But  what  have  the  New  England  States 
done  that  they  should  be  left  out?  It  is  said  we  are 
paying  heavy  duties  on  imports  to  sustain  their 
manufactures,  and  are  in  that  way  oppressed.  If 
so,  let  us  repeal  them.  The  New  England  States 
are  but  six,  while  the  States  of  the  Northwest  alone 
are  nine,  with  the  prospect  of  an  indefinite  increase. 
That,  however,  is  not  the  real  objection.  It  is  that 
their  political  principles  are  offensive,  and  the  men 
who  would  turn  them  out,  desire  to  construct  a 
republic  in  which  they  can  hold  the  power.  Such  a 
project  would  be  criminal  to  the  last  degree,  if  it 
were  not  insane.  The  fortunes  of  parties  are  vari 
able.  The  party  in  power  to-day  is  down  to-mor 
row,  and  the  victors  are,  in  turn,  overwhelmed  and 
so  it  goes  from  year  to  year.  The  scheme  of  con 
structing  a  republic,  taking  in  such  States  as  are 
favorable,  and  turning  out  such  as  are  not,  presents 
the  last  stage  of  partisan  insanity.  It  would  be 
forming  a  republic  for  the  party,  and  not  the  party 
for  the  republic.  A  government  founded  upon  such 
ignoble  purposes  could  not  stand,  and  would  not 
deserve  to. 

In  every  point  of  view,  the  scheme  just  consid 
ered,  is  full  of  dishonor  and  ruin.  Our  Union  once 
dissolved,  and  our  present  relations  broken  up,  all 


300          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

that  is  traditional  and  sacred  would  be  lost,  and  any 
future  alliances  that  States  might  form  with  each 
other  would  be  regarded  as  mere  arrangements  of 
convenience,  possessing  no  tie  beyond  the  interests 
of  the  hour,  and  liable  to  dissolve  at  the  first  out 
break  of  faction. 

The  President  has  issued  his  proclamation  offer 
ing  freedom  to  slaves  held  in  certain  of  the  rebel 
lious  States.  It  remains  to  be  seen  what  effect  this 
proclamation  will  have  in  suppressing  the  rebellion ; 
but  whether  it  be  effectual  or  not,  for  the  purpose 
for  which,  it  was  intended,  the  authority  upon  which 
it  was  issued  is  beyond  question. 

If  the  rebels  do  not  desire  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  to  interfere  with  their  slaves,  let  them 
cease  to  employ  them  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 
They  should  not  use  them  to  build  fortifications, 
manage  their  baggage  trains,  perform  all  the  labor 
of  the  camp  and  the  march,  and  above  all  to  raise 
provisions  upon  which  to  subsist  their  armies.  If 
they  employ  the  institution  of  slavery  as  an  instru 
ment  of  war,  like  other  instruments  of  war,  it  is 
subject  to  destruction.  Deprive  them  of  slave 
labor,  and  three  fourths  of  the  men  composing 
their  armies  would  be  compelled  to  return  home 
to  raise  food  upon  which  to  subsist  themselves  and 
families.  If  they  are  permitted  to  retain  slave 
labor,  they  are  enabled  to  maintain  their  armies  in 
great  force,  and  to  destroy  that  force  we  are  com- 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  301 

pellecl  to  slied  much  of  our  best  blood.  Let  us  not 
be  more  tender  of  their  property,  than  we  are  of 
our  blood. 

But  it  is  said  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  will 
lead  to  insurrection,  and  the  sacrifice  of  innocent 
women  and  children.  Such  an  event  would  be 
greatly  deplored.  But  it  is  not,  in  my  judgment,  a 
necessary  result,  or  one  likely  to  occur.  The  history 
of  insurrections  shows  that  they  spring  not  from 
emancipation,  but  from  despair.  But  if  it  were, 
I  should  say  to  the  rebels,  that  if  they  were  unwill 
ing  to  incur  the  dangers  of  insurrection,  and  do  not 
wish  the  Government  to  meddle  with  their  slaves, 
they  must  cease  to  employ  them  in  the  prosecution 
of  the  war.  With  what  propriety  can  they  employ 
the  institution  of  slavery  as  a  means  of  our  destruc 
tion,  and  at  the  same  time  ask  us  to  let  it  alone  ? 
As  well  might  they  place  their  women  and  children 
in  the  front  of  their  ranks,  fire  over  their  heads  at 
us,  and  then  call  upon  us  not  to  fire  back  for  fear  ol 
hurting  them. 

The  madness  which  would  inaugurate  civil  war 
in  the  North  and  set  neighbors  and  brothers  to  cut 
ting  each  other's  throats,  because  the  President  has 
proclaimed  freedom  to  slaves  in  States  which  have 
attempted  to  secede  from  the  Union — have  utterly 
rejected  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States — have  formed  for  themselves  a  new 
Constitution — made  a  new  flag,  and  to  maintain 


302          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

these  are  waging  an  unnatural  and  bloody  war,  is 
beyond  human  comprehension. 

That  we  should  fall  upon  and  devour  each  other, 
to  protect  the  constitutional  rights  of  those  who 
declare  to  the  world  that  they  have  forever  re 
nounced  and  abjured  all  allegiance  to  the  Constitu 
tion  and  Government  of  the  United  States,  would 
be  a  spectacle  so  monstrous  that  no  parallel  could  be 
found  in  history. 

There  is  but  one  salvation  for  this  people,  and 
that  is  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Union ;  and  this  can  surely  be 
accomplished  if  we  are  but  united ;  and  I  pray  God 
that  the  storms  of  party  and  passion,  which  now 
obscure  the  heavens,  may  speedily  pass  away,  and 
again  discover  us  to  the  world  a  united  people,  unal 
terably  resolved  to  vindicate  our  honor,  and  pre 
serve  the  Union  which  our  fathers  gave. 

I  believe  that  the  masses  of  men  of  all  parties 
are  loyal,  and  are  united  in  their  determination  to 
maintain  our  Government,  however  much  they  may 
differ  upon  other  points ;  and  I  do  sincerely  hope 
that  men  of  all  parties  will  be  willing  to  abate  much 
of  their  peculiar  opinions  in  subordination  to  the 
great  cause  of  preserving  our  national  honor  and 
existence.  And  in  conclusion,  allow  me  to  express 
my  confidence  that  your  deliberations  will  be  ani 
mated  only  by  an  ardent  desire  to  foster  the  honor 
and  interests  of  our  beloved  State,  and  to  cherish 
and  protect,  at  whatever  cost,  the  power  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  303 

the    glory  of   the    government   of   our    common 
country.  OLIVER  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 
January  9th,  1863. 


GOVERNOR  MORTON'S  REPLY  TO  THE  REQUEST  OP  THE 
HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  FOR  THE  RE-DELIVERY 
OF  HIS  MESSAGE. 

[On  Friday,  the  second  day  of  this  session  of  the  Legislature, 
the  Governor  sent  in  his  Message  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 
This  body  refused  to  receive  it,  and  it  was  returned.  Afterward, 
on  the  loth  of  January,  the  House  passed  a  resolution  requesting 
the  Governor  to  re-deliver  his  Message.  The  following  is  his  re 
ply  to  that  resolution :] 

STATE  OF  INDIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 

Indianapolis,  January  19, 1863. 

To  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State  of  Indiana : 

On  Friday,  the  second  day  of  the  session,  I  sent 
my  Message  to  the  House,  with  all  due  respect,  un 
der  the  following  circumstances :  The  Message  had 
been  prepared  to  be  read  in  the  presence  of  both 
Houses,  and  I  expected  to  have  delivered  it,  at  the 
ordinary  time,  which  is  on  Friday  the  second  day 
of  the  session,  at  2  P.  M.,  and  in  this  expectation 
advance  copies  had  been  sent  to  the  press  at  vari 
ous  places  and  it  would  appear  in  the  papers  on 
Saturday  morning. 


304         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Immediately  after  the  visit  of  the  Committee  on 
Friday  afternoon,  I  was  assured  that  there  was  no 
prospect  of  a  Joint  Convention  on  that  afternoon, 
or  at  any  other  time  soon,  to  receive  the  Message, 
and  at  once  determined  to  send  it  in  print  to  each 
House. 

Such  a  course  was  clearly  constitutional,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  practice  in  the  Federal  and 
most  of  the  State  governments. 

On  Saturday,  the  third  day  of  the  session,  I 
received  the  following  resolution,  adopted  by  your 
Honorable  Body : 

Resolved,  As  there  was  no  Senate  in  session,  and  no  General 
Assembly  to  receive  such  address  as  contemplated  by  the  Consti 
tution,  that  this  House  refuse  to  receive  the  Message  of  His  Ex 
cellency  the  Governor  communicated  to  it  yesterday,  and  that 
the  same  be  respectfully  returned  to  him,  to  wait  the  further 
action  of  this  General  Assembly. 

The  return  of  the  Message  is  predicated  on  the 
statement  that  there  was  no  Senate  in  session,  and 
no  General  Assembly  to  receive  such  an  address  as 
contemplated  by  the  Constitution. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Holloway  delivered  the  Message 
to  the  House,  he  repaired  to  the  Senate  and  found 
the  president  in  the  chair,  the  clerks  at  their  desks, 
many  senators  in  the  chamber,  and  debate  going  on. 

But  suppose  the  Senate  was  not  in  session,  how 
does  it  affect  the  question  ?  Both  Houses  were  fully 
organized  on  the  day  before,  a  quorum  of  the  mem 
bers  of  each  having  been  present,  and  all  their  offi- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  305 

cers  having  been  duly  elected  and  qualified,  of  which 
I  had  been  officially  informed. 

Each  House  sits  on  its  own  adjournments,  and  it 
often  happens  that  one  House  will  transact  impor 
tant  business  and  pass  bills  when  the  other  House 
is  not  in  session.  Has  the  validity  of  such  action 
ever  been  called  in  question,  because  the  other  House 
was  not  in  session  at  the  same  hour?  The  validity 
of  the  action  of  each  House  depends  upon  the  fact 
that  it  is  part  of  an  existing  General  Assembly,  but 
according  to  the  doctrine  of  the  resolution,  there 
can  be  no  General  Assembly  unless  each  House  is  in 
session  at  the  same  hour. 

If  the  position  be  correct,  the  action  of  the  House 
on  the  second  and  third  days  of  the  session,  while 
there  was  no  Senate  in  session,  in  passing  resolu 
tions,  including  the  one  sent  to  me,  was  clearly 
invalid. 

I  respectfully  submit  that,  as  a  matter  of  law, 
logic,  and  practice,  the  position  is  wholly  untenable. 
What  difference  could  it  make  if  the  Message  hav 
ing  been  sent  to  the  House  on  one  day,  was  not 
sent  to  the  Senate  until  next  day,  or  the  next  week? 

On  the  27th  day  of  December,  1859,  Mr.  Buch 
anan  sent  his  Message  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  the  House  of  Representatives  not  being 
organized,  having  failed  to  elect  a  Speaker.  The 
Sen  ate,  "unable  to  perceive  any  objection,  received 
and  read  the  Message. 

On  Tuesday,  the  6th  day  of  January  inst.,  Gov- 
2(1 


306          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ernor  Seymour,  of  New  York,  sent  his  Message  to 
the  Senate,  the  other  House  being  unorganized, 
not  having  elected  a  Speaker,  and  being  incapable 
of  transacting  any  business  until  its  organization 
was  completed. 

On  the  15th  day  of  January  inst.,  your  Honor 
able  Body  passed  a  resolution,  of  which  I  quote  the 

first  sentence : 

t 

"  Resolved,  By  the  House  (the  Senate  concurring)  that  the  thanks 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Indiana  are  due,  and  are 
hereby  tendered  to  the  Hon.  Horatio  Seymour,  Governor  of  New 
York,  for  the  able  and  patriotic  defence  of  the  Constitution,  the 
laws  and  liberties,  of  the  American  citizen  contained  in  his  late 
Message  to  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  and  particularly  for 
his  just  and  high  appreciation  of  the  interests,  position  and 
patriotism  of  the  great  Northwest. " 

The  point  to  which  I  call  your  attention  is  that 
in  this  resolution  your  Honorable  Body  have 
expressly  recognized  the  Message  of  Governor  Sey 
mour  as  having  been  delivered  to  the  Legislature 
of  New  York,  although  it  was  delivered  only  to  the 
Senate,  the  House  not  being  organized. 

The  action  of  the  House,  then,  stands  thus  :  On 
the  third  day  of  the  session,  after  the  complete 
organization  of  both  the  House  and  the  Senate, 
the  House,  by  resolution,  returned  my  Message, 
with  the  accompanying  documents,  on  the  ground 
that  at  the  time  of  its  delivery  the  Senate  was  not 
in  session,  and  there  was  no  General  Assembly  with 
in  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  to  receive  it. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  307 

This  resolution  was  passed  when  the  Senate  was 
not  in  session. 

On  the  7th  day  of  the  session  the  House  passed 
another  resolution  thanking  Governor  Seymour  for 
his  Message,  and  expressly  recognizing  it  as  having 
been  delivered  to  the  Legislature  of  New  York, 
although  it  had  only  been  delivered  to  the  Senate, 
the  House  not  being  yet  organized. 

Having  transmitted  my  Message  to  the  House  in 
a  proper  and  respectful  manner,  and  it  having  been, 
in  my  judgment,  unnecessarily  and  improperly 
rejected,  I  have  nothing  further  to  submit  at  this 
time.  Very  respectfully, 

0.  P.  MORTON, 
Governor  of  Indiana. 


308         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  X. 

Governor  Morton's  appeal  to  the  patriotic  women  of  Indiana 
— An  appeal  to  the  people  of  Indiana — His  appeal  to  Congress  in 
behalf  of  the  soldiers — Message  to  the  Legislature — Letter  to 
James  Winslow,  Esq. 

Appended  to  the  foregoing  message  and  letters 
are  the  following  papers,  which  we  here  insert, 
although  some  of  them  are  dated  prior  to  the  period 
of  which  we  now  write,  and  might  seem  to  the  cas 
ual  reader,  to  be  out  of  place.  We  make  the  pub 
lication  in  this  place  for  two  reasons  :  First,  because 
they  did  not  come  to  hand  in  time  for  insertion  in 
the  proper  place,  and  second,  they  are  too  valuable 
to  be  lost :  they  speak  volumes  in  favor  of  Gov 
ernor  Morton's  devotion  to  the  soldier's  interest. 


To  THE  PATRIOTIC  WOMEN  OF  INDIANA. 

When  the  President  issued  his  first  call  to  the  loy 
al  States  for  help  the  Government  was  unprovided 
with  most,  if  not  all,  the  articles  necessary  to  the 
comfort  and  health  of  soldiers  in  the  camp  and 
the  field.  The  women  of  Indiana  were  appealed  to, 
and  they  supplied  the  deficiency  in  our  State  with  a 
generous  alacrity  that  entitles  them  to  the  gratitude 
of  the  nation.  The  approach  of  winter  makes  it 
necessary  to  appeal  to  them  again.  Our  volun 
teers,  already  suffering  from  exposure,  against 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  309 

which  they  are  very  inadequately  protected,  will 
soon  be  compelled  to  endure  the  utmost  severity  of 
winter  and  multiplied  dangers  of  disease.  The 
Government  is  doing  all  that  can  be  done  for  them, 
but  when  all  is  done  they  must  still  lack  many  of 
the  comforts  which  men  in  ordinary  pursuits  enjoy, 
and  which  soldiers  need  above  all  others.  Many 
articles  of  clothing  that,  to  men  with  houses  over 
their  heads  and  warm  fires  always  near,  are  hardly 
more  than  a  luxury,  to  men  with  no  protection  but 
a  tent,  no  bed  but  the  ground,  and  whose  duty 
must  be  performed  under  the  unabated  rigor  of 
winter,  are  absolute  necessaries.  They  may  save 
many  lives  that  will  surely  be  lost  without  them. 
These  the  patriotic  women  of  Indiana,  it  is  hoped, 
will  supply. 

An  additional  blanket  to  every  man  in  our  army 
will  preserve  hundreds  to  the  country  and  to 
their  families.  Two  or  three  pairs  of  good  strong 
socks  will  be  invaluable  to  men  who  must  often 
march  all  day  in  the  snow,  and  without  them  must 
lie  down  with  cold  and  benumbed  feet  on  the  frozen 
ground.  Good  woolen  gloves  or  mittens  will  pro 
tect  their  hands  in  marching,  and  in  handling  their 
arms,  and,  while  adding  greatly  to  their  comfort, 
will  materially  increase  their  efficiency.  Woolen 
drawers,  and  shirts  too,  are  a  necessity  to  men 
exposed  to  such  vicissitudes  of  weather  as  soldiers. 
All  these  articles  the  Indiana  volunteers  ought  to 
have  now,  and  must  before  winter  sets  in,  if  we 


310    LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

would  protect  them  from  exposure  and  disease  that 
may  be  averted  by  this  timely  preparation.  Some 
of  these  articles  the  Government  does  not  furnish, 
and  others  not  in  sufficient  quantities  to  supply  the 
Waste  produced  by  exposures  of  a  soldier's  life. 
Blankets  can  not  be  purchased.  The  stock  is  com 
pletely  exhausted,  and  the  Government  is  solicit 
ing  contributions  from  the  citizens. 

Will  not  the  women  of  Indiana  do  their  share 
in  providing  for  the  men  of  Indiana  in  the  battle 
field  ?  An  hour  of  each  day,  for  a  week,  given  to  the 
manufacture  of  the  articles  named  will  provide  an 
ample  store.  Are  they  not  ready  to  give  that,  and 
more  if  needed?  I  urge  upon  them  the  duty  of 
promptly  beginning  the  work.  Let  them  at  once 
forward,  at  the  State's  expense,  to  the  State  Quar 
termaster,  such  blankets  as  they  can  spare..  They 
will  be  immediately  and  carefully  sent  to  such  regi 
ments  as  the  donors  prefer,  if  they  have  any  prefer 
ence.  Let  them  singly  or  by  association,  set  about 
the  manufacture  of  woolen  shirts,  drawers,  socks 
and  gloves.  The  sewing  societies  of  our  churches 
have  here  a  field  for  exertion  wider  and  grander 
than  they  will  ever  find  again.  Will  they  not  give 
their  associations  for  a  time  to  this  beneficent  ob 
ject?  The  numerous  female  benevolent  societies, 
by  giving  their  energies  and  organizations  to  this 
work,  can  speedily  provide  the  necessary  supply. 
Let  women  through*  the  country,  who  have  no  op 
portunity  to  join  such  associations,  emulate  each 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  311 

other  in  their  labors,  and  see  who  shall  do  most  for 
their  country  and  their  defenders  in  this  hour  of 
trial. 

The  articles  should  be  sent  to  the  Quartermaster, 
with  a  card,  stating  the  name  and  residence  of  the 
donor,  and  their  destination,  if  she  has  any  choice. 
The  name  will  be  recorded  and  preserved  with  the 
number  and  kind  of  articles  sent.  The  women 
alone  can  meet  this  emergency,  and  to  them  our 
volunteers,  as  well  as  the  Government,  look  for 
sympathy  and  aid.  0.  P.  MORTON, 

October  15,  1861.  Governor  of  Indiana. 


AN  APPEAL  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  INDIANA. 

Indiana  has  at  this  time  nearly  one  hundred 
thousand  of  her  sons  in  the  field,  enduring  the 
hardship  and  privations  incident  to  the  life  of  sol 
diers.  They  have  gone  forth  at  the  call  of  their 
country  to  defend  with  their  lives  the  Constitution 
and  the  Government  under  which  we  live.  Thou 
sands  of  these  brave  and  patriotic  men  have  left 
behind  them  families,  with  temporary  provision 
only  for  their  support.  In  many  cases  these  fam 
ilies,  during  the  approaching  winter,  will  be  in 
need  of  the  ordinary  comforts  and  necessaries  of 
life,  and  destitute  of  the  means  of  procuring  them. 
Many  of  them  are  too  spirited  to  ask  for  assist 
ance  ;  others,  unless  some  system  is  adopted  for 
their  relief,  will  not  know  where  to  apply.  The 


812          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

soldier's  pay  is  often  delayed,  his  own  necessities 
require  a  portion  of  it,  and  the  remainder  is  fre 
quently  greatly  delayed  in  being  transmitted  to  his 
family.  It  requires  no  argument  to  prove  that, 
even  if  he  sends  all  his  money  home,  one  hundred 
and  fifty-six  dollars  a  year  is  a  very  scanty  support 
for  a  family,  especially  at  this  season  of  high  prices. 
In  many  places  business  of  all  kinds  is  so  much 
prostrated  that  those  who  can  and  are  willing  to 
labor  are  unable  to  find  employment.  Every  thing 
bears  a  high  price,  and  every  thing  is  cash. 

The  truth  of  what  has  been  stated  must  be  appa 
rent  to  every  one,  and  it  remains  with  the  patriotic 
and  liberal  citizens  of  the  State  to  apply  the  proper 
remedy.  It  is  their  solemn  duty  to  see  that  the 
needy  are  cared  for;  that  while  the  soldier  is  brav 
ing  the  perils  of  the  battle-field,  his  wife  and  chil 
dren  and  all  who  are  dependent  upon  him,  are  made 
comfortable  at  home ;  and  especially  that  his  chil 
dren  are  provided  with  books,  and  afforded  oppor 
tunity  to  attend  school.  This  is  not  charity — but  a 
sacred  obligation,  which  should  be  met  promptly 
and  willingly,  and  the  recipients  should  be  made  to 
feel  that  they  are  not  objects  of  charity,  and  that 
what  they  receive  is  but  the  partial  discharge  of  a 
debt  of  the  most  binding  character. 

It  may  be  urged  by  many  that  they  have  already 
given  largely  and  sacrificed  heavily  for  these  benev 
olent  objects,  and  hence  they  ought  to  be  excused 
from  further  drafts.  It  may  be  asked,  in  reply, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  313 

what  are  these  sacrifices  compared  with  the  sacrifi 
ces  of  families  who  have  given  their  natural  sup 
porters  and  protectors  to  the  cause  of  their  country? 
What  is  the  sacrifice  of  the  man  living  comfortably 
at  home,  even  though  he  give  half  his  income,  to 
that  of  the  man  who  hasieft  his  family  and  home 
and  gone  to  the  field? 

The  land  is  full  of  wealth,  the  harvest  has  been 
bountiful,  and  there  can  be  no  reasonable  excuse  for 
allowing  the  needy  to  suffer  in  a  country  like  this. 

I  would  respectfully  and  earnestly  request,  that  in 
every  township,  every  town,  and  every  ward  of  the 
several  cities  in  the  State,  some  systematic  plan,  by 
means  of  regularly  organized  committies  or  auxil 
iary  aid  societies,  be  at  once  adopted  for  relief. 

To  ministers  of  the  gospel  I  would  say:  No 
nobler  work  than  this  can  engage  the  time  you 
may  have  at  your  disposal.  Much  can  be  done  by 
appeals  from  the  pulpit,  and  by  personal  efforts 
with  the  people ;  by  visiting  the  families  of  soldiers, 
ascertaining  their  wants,  and  seeing  that  they 
are  regularly  supplied. 

The  township  trustees  in  the  several  counties,  on 
account  of  their  familiarity  with  local  affairs,  will 
be  able  to  render  great  assistance  in  the  humane 
work,  by  giving  a  portion  of  their  time  and  efforts 
to  the  relief  of  the  needy  and  destitute. 

In  all  measures  of  relief  which  may  be  adopted 
I  most  respectfully  and  confidently  bespeak  the 
hearty  aid  and  co-operation  of  the  nnblo  \voinen  of 
27 


314          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Indiana.  Actuated  by  the  purest  patriotism,  and 
always  foremost  in  deeds  of  love  and  mercy,  they 
may  here  find  an  extensive  field  for  the  exercise  of 
many  kindly  offices  to  the  advantage  and  comfort 
of  the  distressed;  their  words  of  encoxiragement 
will  cheer  the  hearts  of  the  drooping  and  disconso 
late,  and  their  example  will  lead  others  to  under 
take  the  same  good  work. 

0.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 
EXECUTIVE  DEP.,  Indianapolis,  Nov.  14,  1862. 

INCREASE  OF  PAY  OF  PRIVATE  SOLDIERS. 

To  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  : 

The  undersigned  respectfully  represents  that,  from 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  condition,  wants  and 
necessities  of  a  large  portion  of  the  men  composing 
the  Army  of  the  United  States,  he  is  fully  impressed 
with  the  belief  that  the  pay  of  private  soldiers 
should  be  increased,  so  as  to  make  it  bear  a  proper 
proportion  to  the  increased  cost  of  all  the  necessa 
ries  of  life.  The  present  pay  of  a  private  is  thir 
teen  dollars  per  month,  or  one  hundred  and  fifty-six 
dollars  a  year.  From  this  sum  a  considerable  por 
tion  must  be  deducted  for  the  purchase  of  articles 
not  furnished  by  the  regulations,  but  which  the 
soldier  deems  necessary  to  his  health  or  comfort. 
Should  the  balance  be  remitted  to  his  family  in 
installments  as  it  is  paid  him  it  will  fall  far  short  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  315 

furnishing  a  support.  To  the  monthly  pay  a  bounty 
of  one  hundred  dollars  is  to  be  added.  To  the 
old  regiments  this  is  not  to  be  paid  until  the  final 
discharge,  or  upon  the  death  of  the  soldier.  To  the 
new  regiments  twenty-five  dollars  of  the  amount 
were  paid  in  advance,  the  balance  remaining  unpaid 
until  final  discharge  or  death.  As  the  final  pay 
ment  of  the  bounty  depends  upon  the  good  conduct 
of  the  soldier,  and  is  subject  to  contingencies,  it 
can  hardly  be  considered  as  a  means,  or  source  of 
credit,  for  the  current  support  of  a  family.  It  must 
be  remembered  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  sol 
diers  composing  the  volunteer  armies  of  the  United 
States  are  men  of  family,  upon  whose  labor  wives, 
children  and  parents  are  dependent  for  support. 
Should  not  their  labor  be  so  paid  for  as  to  make  it 
sufficient  to  yield  that  support  it  would  do  if  they 
were  at  home  and  engaged  in  private  pursuits? 
They  did  not  enter  the  army  to  make  money,  and 
do  not  desire  to  do  so,  but  they  do  ask  that  they 
shall  receive  such  compensation  as  will  support,  in 
decency  and  comfort,  the  dependent  ones  they  leave 
behind.  The  price  of  labor  throughout  the  North 
ern  States  has  greatly  advanced  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  and  it  is  submitted  that,  aside  from 
all  questions  of  family  support,  and  as  a  matter  of 
simple  justice,  the  compensation  to  our  soldiers 
should  be  increased.  Their  labor  is,  of  all  other, 
the  hardest,  to  which  should  be  added  the  great 
danger  of  death  from  battle,  hardship  and  disease. 


816         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC    SERVICES  OF 

Men  tell  our  recruiting  officers  every  clay, — they 
would  go  into  the  army,  but  the  pay  allowed  by 
our  Government  is  insufficient  for  the  support  of 
their  families,  and  they  dare  not  leave  them  to  the 
precarious  charities  of  the  public. 

The  following  statement  of  prices  at  Indianapolis, 
Indiana,  will  show  the  relative  costs  of  various  lead 
ing  articles  on  the  6th  of  August,  1861,  when  the 
present  rate  of  pay  was  established,  and  the  27th 
day  of  November,  1862  : 

ARTICLES.  Aug.  1861.    Nov. 4862.  Inc.  per  cent. 

Brown  muslins 8$alO  23a29 190 

Bleached  muslins 10  a!2$ 23a30 175 

American  prints 10  a!2$ 18a22 95 

Blue  checks 12$ 25 100 

Hickory  checks 12$ 25  100 

Cotton  flannel 12$a20  35a50 160 

Drillings 12$ 32 170 

Cassinettes 37  a75  75al.50 100 

Jeans 30  af>0  SOalOO 100 

Boots 3.00  3.75a4.00 33 

Shoes  „ 1.00  1.50  50 

Brown  sugar  per  Ib 8  13 62 

Rio  coffee  "     15  37 150 

Tea  "     75al.OO 1.25al.50 50 

Rice  "     8  10 25 

Molasses,  per  gallon 50  70 40 

Flour,  per  barrel 4.50  6.50 44 

Salt,  per  bafrel 1.65  4.50 180 

Meal,  per  bushel 40  70 75 

Fish,  per  Ib 6  8 33 

Potatoes,    per  bushel 35  80 130 

Candles,   per  Ib 10  15 50 

Wood,  per   cord 2.50  5.00 100 

From  the  above  statement  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
cost  of  articles  of  prime  necessity  in  clothing  and 


(iOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  317 

furnishing  a  family,  has  been  increased  one  hun 
dred  twenty  per  cent,  while  provisions  and  groceries 
have  increased  in  price  not  less  than  sixty  per  cent. 
It  will  he  entirely  safe  to  say  that  the  cost  of  living, 
in  the  most  economical  style,  throughout  the  North 
ern  States,  has  increased  at  least  seventy-five  per 
cent,  within  the  last  fifteen  months,  and  prices. are 
still  advancing.  Thus,  eight  dollars  per  month  in 
August,  1861,  would  have  been  a  better  compensa 
tion,  and  gone  farther  in  maintaining  a  family,  than 
thirteen  dollars  per  month  in  November,  1862.  Sol 
diers  are  paid  in  treasury  notes  at  par,  and  as  these 
notes  have  depreciated  thirty  per  cent,  as  shown  by 
the  price  of  gold,  their  pay,  from  this  fact  alone,  is 
substantially  reduced  to  nine  dollars  per  month. 

It  may  be  urged  in  objection  to  the  measure  pro 
posed  that  it  will  greatly  increase  the  expenditures 
of  the  Government  and  add  to  the  public  debt.  In 
my  j  adgment  it  would  prove  to  be  sound  economy. 
It  would  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  army,  prevent 
desertions,  encourage  volunteering,  and  perhaps 
avoid  the  necessity  of  another  draft  to  fill  up  the 
old  and  depleted  regiments.  Desertion  is  becom 
ing-  frequent,  and  threatens  the  demoralization  and 
destruction  of  the  army  unless  it  be  promptly  arrest 
ed.  The  most  potent  cause  of  desertion  is  the  con 
dition  of  the  soldier's  family  at  home.  He  receives 
letters  from  his  wife,  children  or  parents,  announc 
ing  that  they  are  destitute  of  food,  fuel,  clothing,  or 
are  about  to  be  turned  of  doors  for  non-payment  of 


318          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

rent,  and  that  their  neighbors  are  failing  to  provide 
for  them,  as  they  are  able  and  ought  to  do.  He 
becomes  maddened  and  desperate,  and  finding  a 
furlough  imposible,  desertion  is  frequently  the 
result. 

Whatever  contributes  to  the  speedy  termination 
of  the  war  is  economy  on  a  large  scale.  Our  hopes 
for  peace  and  a  restored  country  are  founded  upon 
the  success  of  our  armies ;  and  it  is  believed  that 
nothing  would  add  to  the  efficiency  and  success  of 
our  arms  so  much  as  doing  justice  to  the  soldiers 
by  increasing  their  pay. 

I  beg  to  ask  your  early  and  serious  consideration 
of  this  subject.  OLIVER  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 

EXECUTIVE  DEP.,  Indianapolis,  £Tov.  29,  1862. 


STATE  OF  INDIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 

INDIANAPOLIS,  February  4,  1863. 
To  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Indiana  : 

Owing  to  the  immense  drafts  that  have  been 
made  on  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  the 
Government  has  been  unable  to  promptly  pay  the 
troops  the  wages  to  which  they  are  entitled.  To 
most  of  the  soldiers  four  months'  pay  is  due,  and 
to  many  of  them  six.  I  am  informed,  however, 
that  enough  money  has  recently  been  furnished  to 
the  paymasters  to  pay  all  arrearages  up  to  the  1st 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  319 

of  November  last,  which  will  still  leave  due  and 
unpaid  their  wages  for  two  months,  ending  on  the 
1st  day  of  January.  The  failure  by  the  Govern 
ment  to  pay  the  army  the  money  due  to  it  at  the 
period  fixed  by  law  for  its  payment,  whicl^  is  every 
two  months,  operates  with  great  hardship  upon  the 
wives,  children  and  parents  who  are  dependent 
upon  it  for  support.  The  compensation  of  the  pri 
vate  soldier  is  small,  and  if  the  payment  of  it  be 
greatly  delayed  much  suffering  must  ensue.  The 
brave  and  generous  men  who  have  gone  to  the  field 
to  peril  their  lives  in  battle  and  endure  the  hard 
ships  of  war,  should  not  be  allowed  to  fret  that  the 
payment  of  their  scanty  compensation  is  delayed,  if 
there  be  any  means  by  which  delay  can  be  avoided. 
The  soldier  needs  money  while  in  camp  and  on  the 
march,  and  often  suffers  greatly  in  health  and  com 
fort  for  want  of  it. 

The  Government,  I  believe,  is  doing  all  in  its 
power  to  meet  its  engagement  promptly,  but  the 
question  is  whether  the  State  could  not,  without 
serious  detriment  to  herself,  remove  the  difficulty, 
so  far  as  Indiana  troops  are  concerned,  by  advan 
cing  their  unpaid  wages.  If  proper  legislative 
authority  were  given,  the  State  could,  I  have  no 
doubt,  borrow  of  the  banks  or  individuals  in  Indi 
ana,  New  York,  or  other  places,  at  legal  interest, 
enough  money  for  the  purpose,  and  an  arrangement 
could  be  made  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
by  which  the  amount  advanced  should  be  refunded 


320          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

to  the  State  by  the  United  States  whenever  tho 
Government  was  able  to  pay  the  same  to  the  troops, 
if  they  had  not  been  paid  by  the  State.  The  State 
would  be  reimbursed  for  her  expenditures,  prob 
ably  every  60  or  90  days,  and  the  interest  paid 
upon  the  loans  would  be  trifling  compared  with  the 
amount  of  good  that  would  be  accomplished  ;  and 
this  interest  would  no  doubt  be  refunded  by  the 
Government. 

The  plan  for  doing  it,  I  would  briefly  suggest  as 
follows  :  Let  the  officers  and  soldiers  in  proper  form 
assign  the  pay  due  them  to  the  Treasurer  of  the 
State,  with  a  direction  in  the  assignment  to  whom 
the  money  should  be  paid  by  the  State.  If  the 
money  is  to  be  paid  to  the  family  or  friends  of  the 
officer  or  soldier,  living  in  this  State,  it  san  be  done 
through  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  in  which  such 
persons  live.  If  the  money  is  to  be  sent  to  the  sol 
dier  in  the  field,  it  can  be  done  by  Federal  paymas 
ters  under  an  arrangement  with  the  Paymaster 
General,  at  Washington ;  or,  if  it  be  preferred,  the 
money  can  remain  in  the  State  Treasury,  as  a  deposit 
subject  to  the  order,  at  any  time,  of  the  person  enti 
tled  to  draw  it.  Upon  the  pay  rolls  thus  assigned 
to  the  Treasurer  of  the  State,  he  can  from  time  to 
time  settle  with  the  United  States  and  receive  back 
the  moneys  advanced. 

The  measure  proposed  has  several  important 
advantages.  First — By  the  prompt  payment  of  the 
troops  a  prolific  source  of  discontent  and  desertion 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  321 

is  removed.  Secondly — Officers  and  men  are  ena 
bled  to  provide  for  their  own  necessities  in  the  field, 
and  for  the  support  of  their  families  and  dependent 
ones  at  home.  Thirdly — By  the  plan  proposed  of 
paying  through  the  county  treasurers,  families  and 
dependent  ones  at  home  will  receive  a  large  amount 
which  would  never  reach  them,  even  though  it  were 
promptly  paid  to  those  entitled  while  they  were  in 
the  field.  Fourthly — Much  money  would  he  held 
in  trust,  as  a  deposit  in  the  State  treasury,  which, 
if  paid  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  would  be  squan 
dered  or  lost. 

This  recommendation  is  not  intended  to  be  con 
fined  to  pay  now  in  arrears,  but  to  apply  in  the 
future,  when  the  Government  is  unable  to  promptly 
meet  its  engagements  with  the  army. 

Should  the  plan  suggested  not  be  deemed  feasible, 
or  the  best,  I  will  cheerfully  co-operate  with  you  in 
the  adoption  of  any  other  by  which  the  main  pur 
pose,  the  prompt  payment  of  Indiana  troops,  can 
be  accomplished. 

I  would  respectfully  invite  your  early  considera 
tion  of  this  subject.  0.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 


It  was  doubtless  the  solicitude  manifest  in  these 
papers,  and  the  good  resulting  from  them,  no  less 
than  the  countless  efforts  previously  made  by  the 
Governor  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers,  that  induced  the 


322         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Indiana  volunteers  to  address  the  following  stinging 
rebuke  to  the  Indiana  Legislature  : 

Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  his  Excellency,  Governor  0.  P. 
Morton,  the  thanks  of  his  grateful  friends  in  the  army,  for  his 
efforts  in  their  behalf,  and  assure  him  that  neither  time  nor  the 
corrupting  influence  of  party  shall  ever  estrange  the  soldier  from 
the  soldier's  friend. 

Accompanying  this  resolution  are  several  others 
of  a  highly  patriotic  character,  preceded  by  an  able 
address  setting  forth  the  uncompromising  loyalty 
of  Indiana  volunteers,  and  their  determination  to 
stand  by  the  Governor  of  their  State  whatever 
might  be  the  political  conspiracies  formed  against  him 
by  trafficking  demagogues.  This  address  and  the 
accompanying  resolutions  were  adopted  by  every 
Indiana  regiment  in  the  Western  army. 

Separated  from  home  and  friends,  and  deprived 
of  the  privileges  of  citizens,  as  were  the  gallant 
men  composing  these  regiments,  they  felt  that  upon 
the  sagacity,  vigilance  and  energy  of  their  State 
executive  depended  the  prevention  of  rebel  misrule 
in  Hoosierdom.  In  this  view  they  were  right;  for 
a  very  considerable  majority  of  the  Union  men  of 
Indiana  having  entered  the  army,  the  State  had, 
with  the  exception  of  the  executive  department, 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  rebel  democracy,  and 
the  bloated  leaders  of  this  putrid  faction,  having 
grown  insolent  over  recent  political  victories,  were 
boldly  taking  strides  toward  the  consummation  of 
their  great,  leading  design, — the  separation  of  the 
western  from  the  eastern  States,  and  the  formation 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  323 

of  a  western  confederacy  preparatory  to  a  union  of 
the  western  with  the  rebel  States. 

But  the  Governor,  by  his  boldness,  ingenuity  and 
untiring  energy,  succeeded  in  preventing  the  "but 
ternuts"  from  carrying  out  their  hellish  designs ; 
and  the  preservation  of  Indiana's  glory  is  mainly 
attributable  to  his  efforts. 

The  Legislature  of  this  period  having  refused  to 
grant  an  appropriation  sufficient  to  defray  the  in 
terest  on  the  funded  debt  of  the  State,  and  the 
Governor  being  ever  jealous  of  the  reputation  of 
Indiana,  and  being  desirous  of  placing  the  refusal 
to  pay  this  interest  upon  the  right  shoulders,  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  James  Wmslow,  Esq.,  of 
~New  York. 

PAYMENT  OF  THE  INTEREST  ON  THE  STATE'S   DEBT. 

The  Legislature,  as  the  public  are  aware,  ad 
journed  without  making  any  appropriations.  Some 
leaders  of  the  democratic  party  are  making  this 
failure  an  argument  against  the  payment  of  the 
interest  on  the  State's  debt,  alleging  that  an  appro 
priation  specially  directed  to  that  purpose  is  neces 
sary.  The  Attorney  General  of  the  State,  Oscar 
B.  Hord,  in  a  written  opinion,  prepared  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  State  Auditor,  has  taken  the  same 
ground.  He  denies  that  there  is  any  law  author 
izing  the  payment  of  that  interest.  The  effect  of 
this  official  declaration  can  not  but  be  most  injuri 
ous  to  the  credit  of  the  State,  since  if  the  payment 


324         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

of  interest,  to  which  her  faith  is  pledged,  can  be 
left  to  the  capricious  action  of  successive  legislatures, 
no  confidence  can  be  felt  that  it  will  be  made 
promptly,  or  made  at  all.  The  failure  to  pay  any 
dividend  of  interest  falling  due,  it  needs  no  argu 
ment  to  show,  will  greatly  damage,  if  not  tempo 
rarily  ruin,  the  credit  of  the  State.  To  allow  the 
impression  to  remain  uncorrected  which  this  opin 
ion  creates,  that  the  State  debt  can  not  be  paid  unless 
each  succeeding  Legislature  approves  it,  must  depre 
ciate  our  stocks  and  make  them  the  prey  of  dishon 
est  speculators,  who  are  already  preparing  for  the 
feast  the  Attorney  General  offers  them ;  and  the 
State  must  again,  and  most  causelessly,  suffer  the 
shame  of  repudiation.  To  correct  this  impression, 
and  avert  its  evil  effect  upon  the  credit  of  the  State, 
Gov.  Morton  has  prepared  the  following  letter. 

STATE  OF  INDIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 

April  23,  1863. 
James  Window,  Esq. 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  obedience  to  my  promise,  made 
while  in  New  York,  I  have  the  honor  to  submit 
the  following  statement  of  the  law,  as  I  understand 
it,  touching  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the 
Funded  Debt  of  Indiana. 

The  Attorney  General  of  the  State  has  published 
an  opinion  in  which  he  comes  to  the  conclusion, 
that  there  is  no  law  of  the  State  authorizing  the 
payment  of  such  interest. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  325 

After  the  lapse  of  sixteen  years  since  the  State 
compromised  with  her  creditors,  and  the  making 
of  thirty-two  semi-annual  payments,  this  will  seem 
a  strange  announcement  to  the  world. 

I  shall  endeavor  to  show  that  his  conclusion  is 
not  correct. 

He  defines  the  word  " appropriation,"  as  used  in 
the  Constitution,  as  follows: 

"The  word  appropriation,  as  used  in  the  Consti 
tution,  I  suppose  to  mean,  an  act  of  the  General 
Assembly  setting  aside  money  to  be  applied  to  a 
definite  purpose,  with  authority  to  take  it  from  the 
Treasury  for  application  to  that  purpose." 

This  definition  seems  to  imply  that  a  particular 
sum  of  money  or  fund  must  be  designated  or  set 
apart  for  the  payment  of  a  particular  debt,  as  for 
example,  the  sum  of  $320,000  for  the  payment  of 
the  interest  on  the  public  debt  in  a  given  year.  The 
definition  is  not  accurate.  Many  appropriations, 
perhaps  a  majority,  are  made  upon  the  whole  treas 
ury,  and  for  which  no  specific  fund  or  sum  ot 
money  is  set  apart. 

An  able  lawyer  has  defined  an  appropriation  as 
"a  legal  provision  for  the  payment  of  a  debt  due  from 
the  State,  or  to  become  due,  out  of  the  funds  of  the 
Stated 

Another  lawyer,  of  acknowledged  ability  and 
learning,  speaks  of  an  "appropriation"  thus.  "The 
term  f  appropriation  made  by  law  '  has  no  peculiar 
signification  other  than  that  there  is  a  law  requiring 


326         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  Of 

public  payments  to  be  made  out  of  public  moneys 
of  the  State,  whether  the  amount  be  specified  in 
the  law  or  left  to  calculation,  as  the  amount  of  in 
terest  to  be  paid  on  a  public  debt  and  the  quarterly 
payments  made  to  our  public  officers  where  they 
have  fixed  annual  salaries."  These  definitions  are 
in  substance  the  same. 

An  appropriation  may  be  accurately  defined  as  a 
direction  given  by  law  to  pay  money  out  of  the 
Treasury  for  a  particular  purpose.  This  direction 
may  be  specific,  and  in  terms,  or  it  may  be  a  neces 
sary  intendment  of  a  legislative  act.  If  a  direction 
to  pay  money  is  in  direct  terms,  or  is  the  necessary 
construction  of  a  legislative  act,  it  is  an  appropria 
tion  within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution. 

It  is,  as  in  all  other  cases,  a  question  as  to  the 
intention  of  the  Legislature ;  which  is  to  be  arrived 
at  by  the  ordinary  rules  of  construction.  If  it  is 
the  intention  that  money  should  be  taken  from  the 
Treasury  for  a  particular  purpose,  then  such  inten 
tion  is  the  law,  and  is  an  appropriation. 

The  act  of  1846,  ratifying  the  compromise  with 
the  creditors  of  the  State,  contains  the  following 
section:  "Sec.  5.  The  interest  on  the  stock  hereby 
created  shall  be  payable  half-yearly,  at  the  city  of 
New  York,  on  the  first  days  of  January  and  July 
of  each  year,  commencing  on  the  first  day  of  July, 
1847.  But  if  the  interest  for  any  half  year  shall  not 
be  demanded  before  the  .  expiration  of  thirteen 
months  from  the  time  the  same  became  due,  it  shall 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  327 

only  be  demandable  afterwards  at  the  Treasury  of 
the  State ;  and  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  and 
the  redemption  of  the  principal,  as  herein  provided,  the 
faith  of  the  State  is  hereby  solemnly  pledged." 

This  section  solemnly  pledges  the  faith  of  the 
State  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  funded 
debt  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  first  days  of 
January  and  July  of  each  year,  and  is  a  contract  of 
the  most  binding  character,  the  faithful  observance 
of  which  is  vital  to  the  credit  of  the  State.  It  is  a 
legal  and  necessary  intendment  of  this  contract  that 
the  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  State  treasury 
to  pay  the  interest. 

On  the  27th  day  of  January,  1847,  an  act  was 
approved,  supplemental  to  the  act  of  1846,  which 
was  accepted  by  the  bondholders,  and  became  part 
of  the  contract.  The  concluding  part  of  the  14th 
section  of  this  act  is  in  these  words : 

"Be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  stock  to  be  created, 
and  all  certificates  and  other  instruments  of  title 
to  be  issued,  in  pursuance  of  the  said  act,  and 
all  principal,  moneys,  and  interest  thereby  respect 
ively  secured,  shall  not  be  molested  or  impaired, 
arrested  or  attached  by  the  State  of  Indiana." 

I  submit  that  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  Legis 
lature  to  hinder  or  defeat  the  payments  of  the  inter 
est  on  the  public  debt  by  the  adoption  of  new  reg 
ulations,  or  by  making  such  payments  dependent 
upon  uncertain  legislation  from  year  to  year. « 


328  GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 

The  supplemental  act  also  provides  the  form  of  tho 
obligation  to  be  issued  by  the  State  to  her  creditors, 
which  I  quote  as  follows: 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

STATE   OF   INDIANA. 

/ 

Five  Per  centum  State  Stock. 

"Under  two  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
State  of  Indiana,  entitled  'An  act  to  provide  for 
the  funded  debt  of  the  State  of  Indiana  and  for  the 
completion  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  to 
Evansville,'  passed  19th  January,  1846,  and  'An 

act  supplementary  to  the  said  act,'  passed , 

1847. 

"Principal  chargeable  on  the  revenues  of  the 
State,  pursuant  to  acts  of  the  Legislature  of  Indiana, 
passed  the  19th  of  January,  1846,  and ,  1847. 

"Be  it  known,  that  the  State  of  Indiana  owes  to 
A.  B.,  or  his  assigns,  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dol 
lars,  being  part  of  the  principal  of  the  bonds  of 
the  State,  declared  to  have  been  surrendered  to  the 
State  by  act  of  surrender  of  this  date,  and  which 
amount  of  one  thousand  dollars  bears  interest  at 
the  rate  of  five  per  centum  per  annum  from  the 
first  of  January,  1847,  payable  half-yearly  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  at  the  times  and  in  the  manner 
declared  by  the  acts  of  the  Legislature  above  men 
tion  ecf. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  329 

"This  stock  is  redeemable  at  any  time  after  twenty 
years  from  nineteenth  January,  1846,  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  State,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  until  re 
deemed  is  transferable  upon  surrender  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  in  books  provided  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Agent  of  State,  there  resident,  by  endorsement  kere- 
on,  and  according  to  such  other  rules  and  forms  as  are 
or  may  be  prescribed  for  that  purpose ;  and  for  the 
payment  of  the  interest  and  the  redemption  of  the 
principal  aforesaid,  the  faith  of  the  State  of  Indiana 
is  irrevocably  pledged. 

"This  debt  is  duly  recorded,  &c. 

"Witness  our  hands  at  Indianapolis  the — day 
'of  —,1847. 

"  Countersigned, 

Treasurer. 

Auditor." 

To  this  obligation  a  postscript  is  attached  in  these 
words. 

N".  B, — The  State  reserves  the  right  (according 
to  the  terms  and  conditions  of  the  said  acts),  to 
postpone  payment  of  a  portion  of  the  interest  due 
upon  this  certificate  until  first  January,  1853,  pay 
ing  interest  on  the  same  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cen 
tum  per  annum,  and  to  fund  one  per  centum  of  the 
same  without  interest  after  that  period,  at  the  rate 
of  two  and  one  half  per  centum.  " 

Is  it  possible  that  further  legislation  is  required  to 
authorize  the  State  to  pay  the  interest  on  this  obliga 
tion  ?  The  State  makes  her  written  promise  to  pay 

28 


330  LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES 

at  particular  times,  and  delivers  it  to  her  creditor, 
which  upon  presentation  to  the  proper  officer  is  a 
direct  and  sufficient  authority  for  payment.  If  it 
is  not,  then  the  promise  of  the  State  carries  with  it 
no  obligation,  and  the  authority  to  pay  must  be 
derived  solely  from  subsequent  legislation. 

The  old  Constitution  contained  the  following : 

"  SEC.  21,  ARTICLE  HI.  E"o  money  shall  be  drawn 
from  the  Treasury,  but  in  consequence  of  appropri 
ations  made  bylaw." 

The  new  Constitution  went  into  force  upon  the 
1st  of  November,  1851 ,  and  contained  the  following 
provision: 

SEC.  3,  ARTICLE  X.  ~No  money  shall  be  drawn 
from  the  Treasury,  but  in  pursuance  of  appropria 
tions  made  by  law." 

It  will  be  seen  that  these  provisions  are  in  sub 
stance  the  same.  The  successive  legislatures  of 
1847,  '48,  '49,  and  '50  accepted  the  sections  quoted 
from  the  acts  of  1846  and  '47,  as  an  appropriation 
to  pay  interest  within  the  meaning  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  made  no  other  except  in  three  special 
acts  in  1849,  1850,  and  1851,  authorizing  the  bor 
rowing  of  money  and  directing  the  money  thus 
borrowed  to  be  paid  on  the  interest  on  the  public 
.debt,  which  direction  was  nothing  more  than  a 
statement  of  the  purpose  for  which  the  money  was 
borrowed. 

The  State  officers  during  the  same  period  accept 
ed  them  as  an  appropriation.  The  Auditor  drew 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  331 

warrants  for  the  necessary  amounts  and  the   Treas 
urer  paid  them. 

Many  of  the  men  who  framed  the  new  Constitu 
tion  were  in  the  first  legislature  that  assembled 
under  it.  That  legislaturedid  not  deem  it  necessary 
to  make  any  further  appropriations  to  pay  the  inte 
rest  upon  the  public  debt,  believing  that  the  acts 
of  1846  and  1847  were  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 
This  opinion  was  acted  upon  by  every  legislature 
up  to  the  fall  of  1858,  and  specific  appropriations 
were  not  made  before  that  time  for  the  payment  of 
interest.  It  was  also  adopted  and  acted  upon  dur 
ing  the  same  period  by  the  officers  of  State. 

Thus,  from  the  beginning,  the  acts  of  1846  and 
1847  were  accepted  both  by  the  Legislature  and  the 
State  officers,  as  a  sufficient  appropriation  under 
the  Constitution. 

The  new  Constitution  contains  the  following 
provision: 

"SEC.  2,  ART.  X.  All  the  revenues  derived  from 
the  sale  of  any  of  the  public  works  belonging  to 
the  State,  and  from  the  net  annual  income  thereof, 
and  any  surplus  that  may  at  any  time  remain  in  the 
Treasury  derived  from  taxation  for  general  State 
purposes,  after  the  payment  of  the  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  Government,  and  of  the  interest  on 
bonds  of  the  State,  other  than  bank  bonds,  shall  be 
annually  applied,  under  the  direction  of  the  General 
Assembly,  to  the  payment  of  the  principal  of  the 
public  debt." 


332          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

This  provision  is  in  itself  a  direct  appropriation 
to  the  payment  of  the  principal  of  the  public  debt, 
of  all  the  money  remaining  in  the  Treasury  after 
the  payment  of  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  of  the  interest  on  bonds  of  the  State, 
other  than  bank  bonds. 

This  appropriation,  however,  can  not  become 
operative  until  after  the  payment  of  the  interest  on 
the  bonds  of  the  State,  and  carries  with  it  a 
necessary  implication  that  the  interest  should  be 
paid  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury.  The 
Attorney  General  says,  however,  that  if  this  section 
is  an  appropriation  to  pay  interest,  it  is,  also,  to  pay 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government. 

This  does  not  follow,  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
the  Government  from  their  nature  are  not  liquid 
ated,  and  ascertained,  and  can  only  be  liquidated  and 
determined  by  legislation  from  time;  to  time  while 
the  interest  on  the  public  debt  is  liquidated  and 
determined  in  the  most  solemn  form.  If  additional 
legal  authority  were  required  outside  of  the  act  of 
1846,  and  the  supplemental  act  of  1847,  to  pay  the 
interest,  it  will  be  found  in  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution. 

Thus  for  a  period  of  twelve  years  the  various 
legislatures  and  auditors  and  treasurers  of  state 
received  the  acts  of  1846  and  1847  as  a  sufficient 
appropriation  within  the  meaning  of  both  Consti 
tutions  upon  which  twenty-three  semi-annual  pay 
ments  were  made,  and  more  than  three  millions  of 


UOVERXOIl  OLfVEll  P.  MORTON.  333 

dollars  disbursed.  All  the  laws  that  were  in  force 
during  these  twelve  years  are  still  in  force,  under 
which  the  interest  was  paid,  and,  after  such  long 
acquiescence  and  practice  by  legislatures  and  offi 
cers  of  State,  it  is  too  late  to  say  there  is  no  appro 
priation. 

In  1857  the  Legislature  adjourned  without  mak 
ing  the  ordinary  appropriations  for  the  support 
of  the  benevolent  institutions,  and  without  having 
passed  a  revenue  bill.  The  Hon.  Joseph  E.  Mc 
Donald,  a  lawyer  of  reputation  and  ability,  was 
then  Attorney  General  of  the  State.  He  advised 
Governor  "Willard  and  the  State  officers  that  no 
further  legislation  was  required  to  authorize  the 
payment  of  the  interest  on  the  funded  debt  of  the 
State,  as  the  act  of  1846  was  a  contract  with  the 
bond-holders  and  a  sufficient  appropriation.  He 
however  gave  the  .opinion  at  the  same  time  that 
there  was  no  appropriation  under  which  money 
could  be  lawfully  drawn  from  the  Treasury  for  the 
support  of  the  benevolent  institutions. 

Under  the  authority  of  this  opinion  and  in  pur 
suance  of  the  practice  for  the  preceding  ten  years, 
Gov.  "Willard,  together  with  the  the  Treasurer  and 
Auditor  of  State,  borrowed  $165,000  to  pay  the  July 
interest  in  1858. 

The  Attorney  General  quotes  a  passage  from  the 
message  of  Governor  Willard  to  the  extra  session 
in  the  fall  of  1858. 

In  his  commentary  on  the  passage  he  represents 


334          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  Governor  as  defending  his  act  in  paying  the 
interest  011  the  public  debt  without  an  appropria 
tion  as  a  matter  of  public  necessity  to  save  the 
credit  of  the  State.  He  has  imperfectly  read  the 
passage  and  the  misapplication  of  it  is  total.  The 
Governor  said  nothing  of  the  sort.  In  that  part  of 
the  message,  in  which  the  Governor  refers  to  the 
absence  of  an  appropriation,  he  is  speaking  of  the 
benevolent  institutions.  And  in  that  part  in  which 
,he  speaks  of  borrowing  money,  he  refers  to  the 
payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt.  The 
case  stood  thus :  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on 
the  public  debt  there  was  an  appropriation  but  not 
sufficient  money  in  the  Treasury;  for  the  support  of 
the  benevolent  institutions  there  was  money  in  the 
Treasury  but  no  appropriation  on  which  to  pay  it 
out. 

On  the  24th  day  of  April,  1857,  Governor  WilJard 
published  in  the  Indiana  State  Sentinel  an  address 
to  the  people  of  Indiana,  from  which  I  extract  the 
following  passage: 

"  By  laws  which  were  passed  by  previous  legisla 
tures,  provision  is  made  for  sustaining  every  depart 
ment  of  the  Government  excepting  the  benevolent 
institutions.  The  tax  is  levied  for  the  support  of  the 
common  schools  and  two  cents  upon  each  one  hun 
dred  dollars  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  principal 
of  the  public  debt.  As  long  as  there  is  money  in  the 
Treasury  belonging  to  the  State,  it  is  believed  that 
there  is  authority  to  pay  the  interest  on  said  debt." 


GOVERNOIl  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  335 

In  this  passage  he  clearly  states  his  opinion  that 
there  is  authority  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt  as  long  as  there  is  money  in  the  Treasury,  and 
that  every  department  of  the  Government  was  pro 
vided  for  by  previous  legislation  excepting  the  bene 
volent  institutions.  Further  on  he  used  the  follow 
ing  language : 

"  Again,  on  the  19th  day  of  January,  1846,  the 
Legislature  passed  an  act  to  provide  for  the  funded 
debt  of  the  State,  in  which  your  faith  was  solemnly 
pledged  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  said  debt, 
and  on  the  27th  of  January,  1847,  another  act  of 
the  Legislature  was  passed  repeating  the  obligation 
given  in  the  previous  year  to  the  creditors  of  Indiana. 

"Ever  since  these  acts  were  passed  the  State  has 
maintained  her  faith  and  credit,  the  result  of  which 
has  been  to  encourage  the  introduction  of  popula 
tion  and  capital  into  the  State." 

He  then  complained  that  the  Legislature  had 
adjourned  without  passing  a  bill  levying  taxes  with 
which  to  pay  the  interest  in  1857  and  1858. 

The  only  responsibility  which  Gov.  "Willard  and 
the  State  officers  took  by  paying  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt  in  1858,  was  in  borrowing  the  money 
for  that  purpose,  which  was  clearly  authorized  by 
the  act  of  1852,  which  act  is  still  in  force. 

The  quotation  which  the  Attorney  General  makes 
in  his  opinion  from  the  debates  in  the  Legislature 
of  1859,  were  -irrelevant,  as  they  refer  to  the  legal- 


LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ity  of  the  loan  made  by  Gov.  Willard,  and  not  to 
the  absence  or  existence  of  appropriations. 

The  Treasury  act  of  1859  and  Embezzlement  bill 
of  1861,  are  not  broader  than  the  Constitution. 
They  do  not  make  that  illegal  which  was  not  illegal 
before.  It  required  no  more  to  constitute  an  appro 
priation  after  the  passage  of  those  bills  than  before. 
They  simply  affixed  a  punishment  for  paying  money 
out  of  the  Treasury  improperly,  where  before  there 
was  none.  The  simple  question  is,  as  to  the  exis 
tence  of  an  appropriation,  within  the  meaning  of 
the  Constitution,  and  this  is  conceded  by  the  Attor 
ney  General,  as  he  does  not  contend  that  an  appro 
priation  good  before  the  Embezzlement  bill  is  not 
good  after  it.  This  was  expressly  decided  in  the 
case  of  Lange,  Audito,  vs.  Stover,  at  the  November 
term,  1862,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Indiana,  in 
which  case  it  was  held  that  the  State  Auditor  could 
draw  a  warrant  under  the  general  appropriation 
contained  in  the  Swamp  Land  act  of  1852,  notwith 
standing  the  Treasury  act  of  1859  and  the  Embez 
zlement  bill  of  1861.  Where  the  appropriation  is 
general  it  can  be  paid  out  of  any  money  in  the 
Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated;  when  it  is 
special  and  payable  out  of  a  particular  fund  it  must 
be  paid  only  from  that  fund.  The  section  quoted 
by  the  Attorney  General  from  the  act  of  1859, 
means  this  and  nothing  more.  Instances  illustrating 
the  first  class  may  be  found  in  the  appropriations 
for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  337 

A 

and  the  salaries  of  the  State  officers.  Instances  of 
the  second  class  may  be  found  in  former  appropri 
ations  for  the  support  of  the  benevolent  institutions, 
at  a  time  when  a  separate  and  specific  tax  was  levied 
to  raise  a  fund  for  that  purpose. 

At  the  regular  session  of  1859,  an  act  was  passed 
entitled  an.  act  to  provide  a  Treasury  system  for 
the  State  of  Indiana,  for  the  manner  of  receiving, 
holding  and  disbursing  the  public  moneys  of  the 
State,  the  16th  section  of  which  reads  as  follows : 

"  At  some  convenient  period,  prior  to  the  falling 
due  of  the  interest  on  the  foreign  debt  of  the  State, 
payable  at  New  York,  the  Treasurer  shall,  without 
making  any  discrimination,  draw  on  the  bank  notes 
in  the  Treasury  an  amount  of  specie  sufficient  to 
pay  said  interest,  which  he  shall  transmit  to  New 
York  by  express,  or  otherwise,  as  may  be  deemed 
most  safe ;  but  any  bank  or  banks  on  whose  notes 
specie  is  thus  demanded,  may  redeem  such  notes  to 
the  extent  of  such  dividends,  by  draft  on  New 
York,  payable  fifteen  days  preceding  the  day  of 
payment  of  said  interest,  and  without  any  premium 
of  exchange,  and  giving  ample  security  to  the 
Treasurer  for  the  prompt  payment  thereof.  " 

This  section  is  disposed  of  in  the  following  man 
ner  by  the  Attorney  General : 

"  The  interest  on  the  State  debt  was  payable  in 

New  York,  and  at  the  time  this   act  was  passed, 

there  existed  no  statute  providing  the  manner  in 

which  the  money  should  be  transmitted  to  that  city, 

29 


338         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

and  making  it  the  duty  of  any  particular  person  to 
perform  that  service ;  and  this  section  does  nothing 
more  than  provide  the  instrumentality  by  which 
the  interest  shall  be  transmitted  to  the  place  of  pay 
ment." 

It  is  true  this  section  provides  the  manner  in 
which  the  money  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt  should  be  transmitted  to  E"ew  York ;  but  it 
does  more.  It  declares  that  at  a  convenient  period 
before  the  interest  falls  due,  which  is  on  the  first 
days  of  January  and  July  of  each  year,  the  Treas 
urer  shall  take  from  the  State  Treasury,  enough 
money  to  pay  such  interest  and  transmit  the  same 
to  ISTew  York  for  that  purpose.  He  has  no  discre 
tion  in  the  matter.  The  act  to  be  performed  by  him 
is  not  made  contingent  upon  future  appropriations 
or  legislation.  He  can  be  excused  from  its  perform 
ance  only  by  the  want  of  money  in  the  Treasury, 
and  in  that  case  it  is  made  his  duty  by  another  act 
of  the  Legislature,  together  with  the  Governor  and 
Auditor,  to  borrow  an  amount  sufficient  to  meet 
the  deficit.  The  section  constitutes  an  appropria 
tion  taking  precedence  of  all  others.  The  Treas 
urer  is  ordered  to  take,  twice  a  year,  enough  money 
from  the  Treasury  to  pay  the  interest ;  and  how 
shall  he  escape  obedience  to  the  mandate?  He  can 
not  shelter  himself  behind  the  opinion  of  the  Attor 
ney  General  or  any  form  of  construction,  however 
learned  and  ingenious. 

The  command  is  plain,  direct,  unconditional,  and 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  339 

must  be  obeyed.  If  before,  technical  objections 
could  be  raised  of  the  want  of  a  formal  appropria 
tion,  they  were  completely  removed.  "Will  the 
Treasurer  perform  this  most  plain  and  important 
duty  ?  I  believe  he  will.  I  believe  he  is  an  honest 
man,  and  will  not  permit  any  influence  to  stand 
between  him  and  the  discharge  of  a  duty  so  vital  to 
the  good  name  and  welfare  of  the  State. 

The  credit  of  the  State,  at  one  time  greatly  depre 
ciated,  has  been  restored  by  many  years  of  faithful 
observance  of  her  obligations,  and  if  blemish  again 
come  upon  it,  woe  be  to  those  by  whom  it  shall 
come. 

The  Attorney  General  quotes  the  7th  section  of 
the  Treasury  act  of  1859,  prohibiting  the  Treasurer 
from  paying  any  money  out  of  it,  or  transferring 
any  money  from  the  Treasury,  except  upon  the  war 
rant  of  the  Auditor. 

If  this  section  applies  to  the  interest  on  the  pub 
lic  debt,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Auditor  to  issue  his 
warrant  for  the  requisite  amount  in  time  to  enable 
the  Treasurer  to  send  the  money  to  JSTew  York  as 
required  by  the  section  above  quoted.  I  submit, 
however,  that  it  has  no  application,  and  the  Attor 
ney  General  has  failed  to  notice  the  fact  that  this 
section  and  16th  section  before  quoted  are  parts  of 
the  same  act,  and  are  to  be  construed  together. 

The  practice  under  the  act  of  1859  has  been  this  : 
At  a  convenient  time  before  the  first  of  January 
and  July,  of  each  year,  the  Treasurer  would  trans- 


340         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

mit  to  New  York  a  sum  of  money  sufficient  to  pay 
the  interest,  place  it  there  in  the  hands  of  the  Agent 
of  State,  taking  his  receipt  for  the  same,  and  after 
wards  take  this  receipt  to  the  Auditor,  and  obtain 
the  necessary  warrant.  This  practice  prevailed 
throughout  1859  and  18GO  under  the  administration 
of  Nathaniel  F.  Cunningham  as  Treasurer  and  John 
"W.  Dodd  as  Auditor,  and  afterward  through  1861 
and  1862,  under  the  administration  of  Jonathan  S. 
Harvey  as  Treasurer,  and  Albert  Lange  as  Auditor. 

The  16th  section  was  regarded  and  acted  upon  by 
the  State  officers  as  making  the  interest  an  excep 
tional  case,  not  governed  by  the  7th  section. 

To  show  that  the  Legislature  did  not  regard  the 
section  I  have  quoted  from  the  act  of  1859  as  con 
stituting  a  sufficient  appropriation,  he  makes  the 
following  statement : 

"Bearing  upon  the  effect  of  the  section,  I  call 
your  attention  to  the  fact,  that  the  same  Legislature 
that  enacted  it,  and  after  it  had  been  passed,  passed 
an  appropriation  bill  appropriating  $320,000  for 
interest  for  the  year  1859  (Acts  1859,  13) ;  also, 
1320,000  for  interest  for  1860  (Acts  1860,  14) ;  and 
that  the  Legislature  of  1861  made  similar  appropri 
ations  for  the  years  1861  and  1862  (Acts  1861,  pages 
6  and  7)." 

On  the  llth  day  of  April,  1863,  the  Attorney 
General  obtained  from  the  Auditor  a  warrant  for 
his  salary  for  the  quarter  ending  on  the  31st  of 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  341 

March,  1863,  which  warrant  was  promptly  paid  by 
the  Treasurer. 

The  payment  of  this  salary  was  legal  and  proper, 
and  I  refer  to  the  fact  only  to  show  that  the  Attor 
ney  General  has  made  a  practical  decision  of  the 
question  at  variance  with  his  written  opinion. 

The  act  of  1861,  which  contains  the  specific  appro 
priations  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  also  contains  specific  appropriations  for 
the  payment  of  the  salary  of  the  Attorney  General 
and  other  officers  of  State.  Yet  the  absence  of 
specific  appropriations  for  salaries  in  1863  is  not, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney  General,  a  sufficient 
reason  why  he  should  not  draw  his  salary. 

He  argues,  in  substance,  that  the  Legislature  of 
1861  believed  the  section  I  have  quoted  from  the 
Treasury  act  not  a  sufficient  appropriation  to  pay 
interest,  else  they  would  not  have  made  special 
appropriations. 

According  to  this  logic  this  Legislature  was  of 
the  opinion  that  the  general  law  regulating  the  sal 
aries  of  State  officers,  also  passed  in  1859,  was  not 
sufficient  to  authorize  their  payment,  and  that  spe 
cial  appropriations  were  required.  But  against  this 
argument,  drawn  from  legislative  action,  the  Attor 
ney  General  enters  his  practical  dissent. 

The  general  salary  act  does  not  come  within  his 
definition  of  an  appropriation.  It  does  not  set 
apart  any  specific  sum  or  fund  for  the  payment  of 
salaries.  It  is  general  in  its  character,  and  is  an 


342  LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

authority  to  pay  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury 
not  otherwise  disposed  of. 

The  32d  section  of  the  act  regulating  fees, 
approved  March  2,  1855,  reads  as  follows  : 

"  The  Secretary,  Auditor,  and  Treasurer  of  State, 
shall  furnish  at  the  expense  of  the  State  the  neces 
sary  record  hooks  and  office  rent  and  stationery  for 
the  offices  of  the  Secretary,  Auditor,  and  Treasurer 
of  State  and  Clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  fuel 
and  stationery  for  the  use  of  the  General  Assembly." 

The  Attorney  General,  in  a  written  opinion  re 
cently  delivered  to  the  Auditor,  decided  that  this 
section  makes  an  appropriation,  and  authorized  the 
Auditor  to  draw  warrants,  and  the  Treasurer  to  pay 
them,  for  the  purposes  therein  mentioned.  The 
section  does  not  contain  an  appropriation  in  terms, 
nor  does  it  set  apart  any  money  or  fund. 

It  declares,  however,  that  certain  articles  shall  be 
furnished  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  from  which 
the  Attorney  General  infers  the  appropriation  and 
the  authority  to  take  the  money  from  the  Treasury. 
Is  the  declaration  that  certain  articles  shall  be  fur 
nished  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  stronger  than 
the  solemn  promise  of  the  State  repeatedly  made  to 
pay  the  interest  upon  her  debt  at  a  certain  place 
and  at  specified  times  ? 

Can  authority  to  take  money  from  the  Treasury 
be  inferred  in  one  case  and  not  in  the  other  ?  If, 
when  provision  is  made  to  furnish  certain  articles  at 
the  expense  of  the  State,  it  is  a  necessary  inference 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  343 

that  the  money  to  pay  the  expense  shall  be  drawn 
from  the  Treasury,  is  it  not  likewise  a  necessary 
inference  that  money  shall  be  taken  from  the  Treas 
ury  to  meet  the  interest  on  the  public  debt  which  the 
State  solemnly  bound  herself  to  pay  at  a  particular 
time  and  place  ?  And  how  can  the  Attorney  General 
hold  this  section  to  be  an  appropriation,  and  break 
the  force  of  the  16th  section  in  the  Treasury  act  of 
1859,  by  calling  it  directory?  And  if  the  Treasury 
act  of  1859,  and  the  Embezzlement  bill  of  1861,  do 
not  impair  the  character  of  this  section  as  a  good 
appropriation,  nor  make  payments  under  it  penal, 
with  what  show  of  reason  can  it  be  pretended  that 
they  affect  the  right  to  pay  the  interest  on  the 
funded  debt  of  the  State  ? 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  payment  of  the 
interest  upon  the  public  debt  should  be  left  to  the 
uncertainty  of  legislation  from  year  to  year,  to  be 
hindered  or  defeated  by  the  accidental  or  willful  fail 
ure  of  any  legislature  to  make  an  appropriation.  It 
is  eminently  proper  that  it  should  have  been  pro 
vided  for  by  general  and  continuing  legislation,  and 
not  left  open  to  the  neglect  or  caprice  of  each  suc 
ceeding  Legislature. 

It  is  of  the  essential  nature  of  such  stocks  that 
permanent  provision  be  made  for  the  payment  of 
the  interest,  and  if  it  were  understood  that  the  inter 
est  was  not  provided  for,  and  its  payment  depended 
upon  legislation  from  year  to  year,  the  value  of  our 
stocks  in  the  market  would  be  greatly  diminished, 


344        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC   SERVICES  OP 

and  our  chances  for  future  negotiations  much 
impaired. 

The  act  of  1846  was  regarded  in  that  light,  and 
the  act  of  1859  was  intended  to  give  increased  secu 
rity  against  failure  from  the  neglect  or  errors  of 
judgment  in  State  officers  by  making  imperative 
the  provision  for  sending  the  money  to  the  place  of 
payment  in  due  season. 

And  so  careful  was  the  Constitutional  convention 
in  1850  to  provide  for  any  contingency  which  might 
result  in  a  failure  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  that  a  special  provision  was  made  in  the  Con 
stitution  to  authorize  the  borrowing  of  money  for 
the  payment  of  such  interest. 

Sec.  5,  Article  10th,  of  the  Constitution,  declares 
that,  "No  law  shall  authorize  any  debt  to  be  con 
tracted  on  behalf  of  the  State,  except  in  the  cases 
mentioned,  of  which  to  pay  the  interest  on  the 
State  debt  is  one. " 

And  the  Legislature  at  its  first  session  under  the 
new  Constitution  carried  out  the  provision  by  the 
following  enactment,  to- wit : 

Section  5  of  an  act  prescribing  duties  of  Gov 
ernor,  approved  May  27, 1852,  provides  as  follows  : 
"The  Governor,  Auditor,  and  Treasurer  of  State 
are  hereby  authorized  to  procure  a  temporary  loan 
of  money  sufficient  in  amount  to  meet  the  deficiency 
in  the  Treasury,  should  any  such  occur,  to  pay  the 
semi-annual  dividends  of  interest  on  the  State  debt." 

It  is  a  necessary  construction  of  the  above  sec- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  345 

tion  that  if  there  be  money  in  the  Treasury  the 
interest  shall  be  paid.  It  is  predicated  upon  the 
obligation  of  the  State  punctually  to  pay  the  inter 
est  on  her  debt,  and  assumes  the  existence  of  all 
legislation  necessary  for  that  purpose. 

Further  argument  is  unnecessary.  By  his  decis 
ion  upon  the  act  of  1855,  regulating  fees,  the  Attor 
ney  General  has  overruled  the  principles  he  sought 
to  establish  in  his  first  opinion,  and  has  recognized 
a  rule  broader  even  than  is  necessary  to  authorize 
the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt. 
The  law  is  plain,  the  money  is  in  the  Treasury,  and 
if  the  interest  is  not  paid  the  responsibility  will  rest 
with  those  officers  upon  whom  the  law  has  devolved 
the  duty  of  making  the  payment. 
Very  respectfully  yours, 

OLIVER  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana. 


346         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Speech  of  Gov.  Morton  at  New  York  city — Proclamation — 
Oration  at  Centerville  on  July  4th,  1863. — Compliment  paid  by 
citizens  of  Cincinnati  to  Gov.  Morton,  July  20th,  1863. 

In  this  chapter  we  present  the  principal  speeches 
and  State  papers  of  Governor  Morton,  during  the 
year  now  closing,  and  as  we  are  concluding  this 
part  of  our  work,  it  is  due  to  the  Governor  and  his 
immediate  friends,  to  say  that  we  have  been  com 
pelled  to  omit  speeches  and  valuable  papers  for  the 
want  of  room.  We  also,  briefly  state  that  neither 
the  manuscript  or  proof  sheets  have  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  Governor  or  any  of  his  confidential 
clerks  for  examination.  All  we  say  and  publish  is 
done  on  our  own  individual  responsibility. 

SPEECH  OF  Gov.  MOKTON  AT  NEW  YOEK  CITY,  DELIV 
ERED  APRIL  HTH,  1863,  AT  A  MASS  MEETING 
aSSEMBLED  FOR  THE  PURPOSE  OF  COMMEMORATING 
LHE  ATTACK  UPON  FORT  SUMTER. 

Gov.  MORTON  said: — We  have  assembled  for  the 
purpose  of  commemorating  the  attack  upon  Fort 
Sumter.  What  purpose  have  we  in  commemora 
ting  that  attack?  Previous  to  that  time  the 
American  people  had  been  divided  into  two  parties. 
The  previous  progress  of  the  rebellion  had  failed  to 
arouse  the  nation,  which  seemed  as  if  affected  with 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  347 

a  dreadful  nightmare.  But  the  firing  on  Fort 
Sumter  had  the  effect  of  healing  our  dissensions,  of 
bringing  us  together,  and  of  arousing  the  people ; 
and  as  its  capture  produced  such  an  effect,  I  hope 
its  recapture  will  rekindle  the  spirit  of  reunion. 
There  have  been  those  who  have  undertaken  to  para 
lyze  the  arm  of  the  Government,  but  I  believe  there 
will  be  a  disposition  among  the  people  to  rally 
around  the  standard  of  the  country  and  sustain  it 
until  it  is  carried  forward  to  victory. 

The  first  question  is,  Who  made  this  war?  There 
are  those  who  say  this  is  an  aboliton  war,  gotten 
up  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  negro  equality.  But 
the  war  began  thirty  years  ago  with  nullification, 
which  was  suppressed  by  the  iron  will  and  strong 
arm  of  Gen.  Jackson.  The  prediction  was  made 
by  Gen.  Jackson  at  that  time,  that  the  next  pretext 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  be  the 
slavery  question;  and  since  that  time  the  preparations 
have  been  in  progress  to  commence  that  struggle. 
The  leaders  were  willing  to  postpone  the  rebellion 
so  long  as  they  could  control  the  Government. 
But  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  reins  of  power 
departing,  they  made  actual  preparations  for  an 
immediate  attack.  Secretaries  Floyd  and  Toucey 
used  their  influence  as  officers  of  the  Government 
to  pave  the  way  for  the  rebellion,  by  scattering 
the  army  and  navy.  Cobb  made  it  his  business  to 
impoverish  the  Treasury  and  depreciate  the  Govern 
ment  credit,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  make 


348         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

arrangements  for  allowing  the  Government  paper 
to  be  protested.  The  scheme  was  only  frustrated 
by  the  patriotic  action  of  the  banks  of  New  York, 
which  came  forward  and  voluntarily  prevented 
such  a  disgrace  to  the  national  credit. 

Immediately  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration,  when  the 
rebels  had  an  immense  army  in  the  field  trained 
and  armed,  Mr.  Buchanan  proclaimed  that  the 
Government  had  no  power  for  self-preservation. 
These  preparations  went  on  under  the  eye  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  throughout  his  administration,  and  his 
innocence  of  complicity  with  the  movement  can 
only  be  believed  by  making  the  largest  allowances 
for  his  imbecility. 

The  preparations  for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter  were  made  directly  and  deliberately  under  its 
guns,  and,  when  the  preparations  were  complete, 
the  batteries  were  opened,  and  the  beleaguered  gar 
rison,  after  a  gallant  defense,  was  finally  compelled 
to  surrender.  The  Government,  was  therefore, 
acting  solely  in  self-defense.  It  was  fighting  a  bat 
tle  forced  upon  it,  and  which  it  could  not  refuse  to 
accept.  But  what  has  the  South  to  gain  by  the 
war?  What  is  the  purpose?  Some  men  assert  that 
we  are  but  a  congregation  of  independent  states — 
each  at  liberty  to  withdraw  at  any  time.  I  belong 
to  the  party  that  believes  that  there  is  an  American 
people,  and  that  the  various  governments  of  states, 
counties  and  towns,  are  but  parts  of  a  united  and 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  349 

indissoluble  Government.  Yet  there  is  a  class  of 
men  like  Fernando  "Wood  ( I  apologize  for  men 
tioning  so  obnoxious  a  name)  men  who  assert  that 
the  South  was  forced  into  the  war  for  her  own  pro 
tection — that  is,  that  to  secure  her  rights  under  the 
Constitution,  the  South  must  destroy  the  Constitution 
itself.  But  the  first  official  declaration  of  the  so- 
called  Confederacy  was  a  denial  of  any  apprehen 
sion  on  the  part  of  the  South  that  the  North  would 
deprive  her  of  any  constitutional  rights.  What, 
then,  is  the  Southern  purpose  in  the  war?  It  is  for 
the  purpose  of  uprooting  the  democratic  principle, 
and  for  establishing  the  aristocratic  principle.  Mr. 
Stephens,  the  vice  president,  has  declared  that  their 
government  is  established  with  slavery  as  a  foun 
dation,  and  that  such  a  Government  is  established 
for  the  first  time. 

But  how  shall  the  war  be  ended? 

There  are  three  ways.  The  first  way  to  settle  it 
is  to  concede  to  the  demands  of  the  South,  and  con 
sent  to  a  separation.  The  second  way  is  to  call  a 
convention  and  consent  to  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Union,  with  the  New  England  States  left  out.  The 
third  method  is  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and  con 
quer  a  peace.  The  first  method  would  lose  to  us 
the  Border  States.  It  would  lose  to  us  our  Na 
tional  capital.  True,  we  might  build  a  new  capital, 
and  build  it  in  a  much  better  locality.  The  next 
consequence  would  be  the  surrender  of  the  Missis 
sippi  ;  making  the  Northwest  tributary  to  the  Con- 


350         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

federacy.  This  would  raise  up  a  party  in  favor  of 
annexation  to  the  South.  Such  a  party  would  be 
powerful,  and  since  it  could  not  carry  its  scheme 
at  first,  would  doubtless  start  the  project  of  a 
Northwestern  Confederacy,  as  preliminary  to  the 
project  of  annexation  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  geographical  conformation  of  the  country 
would  tend  to  aid  such  a  project,  so  that,  when  the 
work  of  disintegration  commenced,  it  would  go  on 
until  our  country,  once  powerful,  would  be  utterly 
deprived  of  its  power  >  and  end  in  internal  ruin. 

The  second  plan  of  peace  would  result  in  the 
establishment  of  another  Union,  with  the  South  as 
the  dominant  power — fifteen  slave  states  to  thirteen 
free  states.  The  South  would  then  take  care  to  pre 
serve  its  power  by  preventing  the  admission  of  any 
more  free  States.  But  what  has  been  the  offense  of 
New  England?  She  has  loved  liberty  too  well  and 
slavery  too  little.  To  IsTew  England  we  owe  the  Rev 
olutionary  war  and  all  its  glorious  consequences. 
"New  england  gave  more  soldiers  to  the  Revolution 
than  all  the  Southern  states  put  together.  We  are 
asked  to  discard  the  loyal  states  in  order  to  get  back 
the  disloyal—the  vipers.  We  will  bring  back  the 
viper — South  Carolina — but  it  will  be  when  its 
fangs  are  extracted.  Yet  this  scheme  has  its  advo 
cates  in  your  city.  I  will  dismiss  it  as  repugnant  to 
you  all.  I  now  come  to  the  third  method  of  peace — 
that  of  conquering  the  rebellion.  We  are  an  im 
patient  people,  and  anxious  for  too  speedy  a  victory. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  351 

We  have  already  accomplished  much,  as  we  have 
one  half  the  rebel  territory  and  one  third  of  its 
population.  We  are  a  grumbling  people  by  nature. 
We  grumble  at  the  President,  but,  considering  the 
trying  circumstances,  Mr.  Lincoln  has  done  his  duty 
nobly.  He  is  more  than  man  who  should  not  make 
some  mistakes  under  such  circumstances.  Tho 
people  have  a  thorough  conviction  of  the  President's 
unimpeachable  loyalty.  If  he  has  committed  errors, 
they  .are  of  the  head,  and  not  of  the  heart.  Secretary 
Stanton  is  devoted  to  the  cause  in  which  we  are 
engaged,  and  there  is  nothing  half-hearted  about 

O     D  '  O 

him ;  and  history  will  record  his  name  on  her  bright 
est  page.  Secretary  Chase  received  the  Treasury 
from  Cobb  without  a  single  grain  in  it.  But  the 
national  credit  Was  never  better  than  now,  and  we 
have  disappointed  the  world  by  carrying  on  the 
war  without  asking  the  loan  of  a  dollar  from  Europe. 
The  war  is  to  be  carried  on  only  through  the  instru 
mentality  of  the  army  and  navy.  The  army  can 
only  be  recruited  by  conscription,  and  if  the  Con 
scription  act  is  not  acceptable  to  the  people,  let 
those  men  be  blamed  who  encouraged  desertion  and 
created  the  necessity  for  conscription.  The  Gov 
ernment  has  been  driven  to  resort  to  that  system. 
The  $300  clause  is  really  for  the  benefit  of  the 
poor  man,  because  without  it  the  price  of  substi 
tutes  would  run  up  to  even  §1,000.  The  §300  clause 
was  inserted  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  poor 
man  in  procuring  a  substitute. 


352          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Another  instrumentality  of  the  Government  is 
the  raising  of  negro  troops.  What  objection  does 
any  one  see  to  that?  We  use  horses  and  mules, 
and  even  gunpowder,  which  is  black.  I  am  in 
favor  of  using  anything  to  put  down  the  rebellion, 
even  dogs  and  tomcats,  if  they  could  be  of  any  use. 
The  use  of  negro  troops  is  simply  a  question  of 
expediency,  and  if  they  can  not  be  made  available 
they  will  not  be  used.  The  use  of  such  troops  will, 
I  think,  do  away  with  the  necessity  of  drafting  so 
many  white  men.  The  copperheads  really  insist 
that  the  white  men  shall  fight  rather  than  that  the 
negro  shall  be  drafted.  Another  instrument  of  the 
Government  in  putting  down  the  rebellion  is  the 
proclamation  of  freedom.  It  is  objected  to  as  an 
unconstitutional  measure,  but  it  is  as  constitutional 
as  any  war  measure — as  the  right  of  blockade,  of 
seizing  enemy's  property,  or  any  other  war  measure. 
Have  the  rebels  any  rights  under  the  Constitution 
that  we  are  bound  to  respect?  It  is  only  around 
slave  property  that  this  panoply  of  the  Constitution 
is  attempted  to  be  thrown.  But  as  slavery  is  the 
strength  of  the  rebellion,  we  are  bound  to  attack 
that  in  order  to  sustain  the  Government.  The 
proclamation  was  an  experiment,  just  like  the 
attack  on  Fredericksburgh  or  Murfreesboro',  and 
just  as  constitutional.  There  has  been  much  talk 
about  the  sacred  rights  of  personal  liberty,  but  1 
think  that  if  any  error  has  been  committed,  it  has 
been  in  sending  too  few,  instead  of  too  many  to 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  353 

Fort  Lafayette.  Such  complaints  ought  to  be 
directed  against  those  who  have  imprisoned  and 
opposed  the  loyal  Union  men  of  the  South.  The 
hope  of  the  rebellion  is  that  the  North  will  become 
weakened  by  dissensions  and  differences,  and  that 
then  we  shall  fall  an  easy  prey.  Our  only  salvation 
is  in  unity.  The  strength  of  the  rebellion  has  been 
in  the  fact  that  the  rebels  have  devoted  their  whole 
attention  to  war.  When  the  North  shall  do  the 
same  thing  it  will  speedily  conquer  the  South.  In 
conclusion  let  me  conjure  you  by  your  love  for 
yourselves,  your  country,  your  wives  and  children, 
to  exert  your  utmost  efforts  for  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion. 


PROCLAMATION  BY  THE  GOVERNOR. 
To  the  People  of  Indiana  : 

Whereas,  resistance  has  been  made  in  several 
cases  to  the  officers  engaged  in  the  execution  of 
the  Conscription  law,  and  to  officers  and  soldiers 
engaged  in  arresting  deserters  from  the  army,  in 
which  blood  has  been  shed  and  murder  committed ; 

And  whereas,  these  acts  of  resistance  to  the  Gov 
ernment  are  high  crimes,  and  fraught  with  great 
danger  to  the  public  peace,  and  to  the  honor  of  the 
State ;  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  solemnly  warn  all  per 
sons  against  resistance  to  the  Government  in  any 
form,  or  hindering  or  obstructing  any  officer  thereof 
in  the  performance  of  his  duties.  And,  for  the 
30 


354         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

better  information  of  such  as  have  not  convenient 
access  to  the  penal  statutes,  enacted  by  the  Federal 
and  State  Governments,  and  now  in  force,  I  herein 
set  forth  certain  sections  contained  in  said  statutes*. 
An  act  of  Congress,  passed  July  31, 1861,  reads 
as  follows : 

AN  ACT  TO  DEFINE  AND  PUNISH  CERTAIN  CONSPIRACIES. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress 
assembled,  That  if  two  or  more  persons,  within  any 
State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  shall  conspire 
together  to  overthrow,  or  to  put  down,  or  to  destroy 
by  force,  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or 
to  oppose  by  force  the  authority  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  or  to  prevent,  hinder,  or  delay, 
the  execution  of  any  law  of  the  United  States,  or 
by  force  to  seize,  take,  or  possess  any  property  of 
the  United  States  against  the  will  or  contrary  to  the 
authority  of  the  United  States ;  or  by  any  force,  or 
intimidation,  or  threat,  to  prevent  any  person  from 
accepting  or  holding  any  office,  or  trust,  or  place  of 
confidence  under  the  United  States  ;  each  and  every 
person  so  offending  shall  be  guilty  of  a  high  crime, 
and  upon  conviction  thereof  in  any  District  or  Cir 
cuit  court  of  the  United  States,  having  jurisdiction 
thereof,  or  District  or  Supreme  court  of  any  terri 
tory  ot  the  United  States  having  jurisdiction  thereof, 
shall  be  punished  by  a  fine,  not  less  than  five 
hundred  dollars  and  not  more  than  five  thousand 
dollars  ;  or  by  imprisonment,  with  or  without 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  355 

hard  labor,  as  the  court  shall  determine,  for  a  period 
not  less  than  six  months  nor  greater  than  six  years, 
or  by  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment. " 

Any  combination,  agreement  or  understanding, 
forcibly  to  prevent,  hinder  or  delay  the  execution 
of  any  law  of  the  United  States,  is  by  this  law 
made  a  penal  offense,  although  such  combination, 
agreement,  or  understanding  had  not  been  carried 
into  execution,  and  clearly  covers  the  case  of  dis 
loyal  societies  which  are  known  to  exist  in  several 
parts  of  the  State. 

The  twenty-fourth  and  twenty-fifth  sections  of 
the  Conscription  act,  approved  March  3d,  1863, 
read  as  follows : 

SECTION  24.  "And  be  it  further  enacted,  That 
every  person  not  subject  to  the  rules  and  articles  of 
war,  who  shall  procure  or  entice  or  attempt  to  pro 
cure  and  entice  a  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  to  desert;  or  who  shall  harbor,  conceal,  or 
give  employment  to  a  deserter,  or  carry  him  away, 
knowing  him  to  be  such ;  or  who  shall  purchase 
from  any  soldier  his  arms,  equipments,  ammunition, 
uniform,  clothing,  or  any  part  thereof ;  and  any  cap 
tain  or  commanding  officer  of  any  ship  or  vessel,  or 
iuiy  superintendent,  or  conductor  of  any  rail  road 
or  any  other  public  conveyance,  carrying  away  any 
such  soldier  as  one  of  his  crew  or  otherwise,  know 
ing  him  to  have  deserted,  or  shall  refuse  to  deliver 
him  up  to  the  orders  of  his  commanding  officer, 
shall,  upon  legal  conviction,  be  fined,  at  the  discre- 


356        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OJF 

tion  of  any  court  having  cognizance  of  the  same, 
in  any  sum  not  exceeding  five  hundred  dollars,  and 
he  shall  be  imprisoned  not  exceeding  two  years  nor 
less  than  six  months. 

SECTION  25.  "And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any 
person  shall  resist  any  such  draft  of  men  enrolled 
under  this  act  into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
or  shall  counsel  or  aid  any  person  to  resist  any  such 
draft,  or  shall  assault  or  obstruct  any  officer  in 
making  such  draft,  or  in  the  performance  of  any 
service  in  relation  thereto;  or  shall  counsel  any 
person  to  assault  or  obstruct  any  such  officer,  or 
shall  counsel  any  drafted  men  not  to  appear  at  the 
place  of  rendezvous,  or  willfully  dissuade  them  from 
the  performance  of  military  duty  as  required  by 
law,  such  persons  shall  be  subject  to  summary 
arrest  by  the  provost  marshal,  and  shall  be  forth 
with  delivered  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  upon 
conviction  thereof  be  punished  by  a  fine,  not 
exceeding  five  hundred  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment, 
not  exceeding  two  years,  or  by  both  of  said  punish 
ments." 

These  sections  are  very  broad  and  cover  every 
form  of  opposition  to  the  arrest  of  deserters,  and 
the  enforcement  of  the  Conscription  law. 

By  the  25th  section  it  is  made  a  high  penal 
offence  to  counsel  or  aid  any  person  to  resist  the 
draft;  to  counsel  any  person  to  assault  or  hinder 
any  officer  in  making  the  draft ;  to  counsel  any 
drafted  man  not  to  appear  at  the  place  of  rendez- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  357 

vous,  or  willfully  dissuade  him  from  the  performance 
of  military  duty,  as  required  by  law.  To  bring  a 
case  within  this  section,  it  is  not  necessary  that 
there  should  be  a  conspiracy  or  combination. 

If  one  man  shall  give  to  another  the  counsel  or 
advice  prohibited  in  the  section,  he  is  subject  to  the 
punishment  it  prescribes.  IsTor  is  it  material  how 
he  shall  give  his  counsel  or  advice,  whether  by 
public  speaking,  publishing  in  pamphlets  or  news 
papers,  or  by  private  conversation.  Nor  is  it  mate 
rial  that  such  counsel  or  advice  shall  be  direct  and 
in  terms.  The  law  holds  a  man  responsible  for  the 
natural  and  legitimate  consequences  of  his  acts;  so 
also  for  the  natural  and  legitimate  effects  of  what 
lie  may  say.  If  what  he  speaks  and  publishes  is 
naturally  and  reasonably  calculated  to  excite  the 
hatred  of  men  against  our  Government,  and  resist 
ance  to  the  Conscription  law,  he  is  within  the  pur 
view  of  the  section,  although  in  the  conclusion  he 
might  insert  a  saving  clause,  by  formally  declaring 
that  the  laws  must  be  obeyed,  and  no  resistance 
offered  to  the  Government.  In  such  a  case  the  law 
will  look  to  the  spirit  and  treasonable  effect  of 
what  is  said,  and  not  to  the  mere  words  employed. 

It  is  within  my  knowledge  that  public  speakers 
and  editors  have  presented  to  their  hearers  and 
readers  every  statement,  argument,  and  motive  that 
could  excite  them  to  hatred  of  the  Government  and 
resistance  to  the  laws,  but,  for  their  own  protection, 
have*  interlarded"  their  discourses  with  set  phrases 


358         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

that  there  must  be  no  violence  or  resistance  to  the 
laws.  Such  men  are  cowardly  and  treacherous,  as 
they  exort  others  to  do  what  they  are  unwilling  to 
do  themselves,  and  seek  to  put  their  advice  in  a 
form  for  which  they  will  not  be  held  responsible. 
The  subterfuge  will  not  avail  against  the  provisions 
of  the  section  I  am  considering. 

The  Legislature  of  Indiana,  at  the  extra  session  in 
1861,  passed  "  An  act  to  define  certain  felonies,  and 
provide  for  the  punishment  of  persons  guilty 
thereof,"  approved  May  9th.  The  1st  section  of 
that  act  reads  as  tollows : 

SECTION  1.  "  Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assem 
bly  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  That  any  person  or  per 
sons  belonging  to  or  residing  within  this  State,  or 
under  the  protection  of  its  laws,  who  shall  take  or 
accept  a  commission  or  commissions  from  any  per 
son  or  persons,  State  or  States,  or  other  enemies  of 
this  State,  or  of  the  United  States,  or  who  shall 
knowingly  and  willingly  aid  or  assist  any  enemies 
in  open  war,  or  persons  in  rebellion  against  this 
State  or  the  United  States,  by  joining  their  armies, 
or  by  enlisting  or  procuring,  or  persuading  others 
to  enlist  for  that  purpose,  or  by  furnishing  such 
persons  or  enemies  in  rebellion  with  arms  or  ammu 
nition,  or  provisions,  or  any  other  articles  for  their 
aid  or  comfort,  or  by  shipping,  sending,  or  carrying 
to  such  enemies,  or  rebels,  or  their  agents,  an}^  arms, 
ammunition  or  provisions,  or  other  articles  for  their 
aid  or  comfort,  or  by  carrying  on  a  traitorous  cor- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  359 

responclence  with  them  or  shall  form,  or  be  in  any 
wise  concerned  in  forming  any  combination,  or  plot  or 
conspiracy  for  betraying  this  State  or  the  United  States, 
or  the  armed  forces  of  either,  into  the  hands  or  power 
of  any  foreign  enemy,  or  of  any  organized  or  pretended 
government  engaged  in  resisting  the  laws  or  authority  oj 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America,  or 
shall  give  or  send  any  intelligence  to  any  such  ene 
mies  or  pretended  government,  or  their  forces,  for 
that  purpose,  every  person  so  offending  shall  upon 
conviction  thereof  be  imprisoned  in  the  State  Prison 
for  a  term  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  twenty- 
one  years,  and  he  fined  a  sum  not  exceeding  ten 
thousand  dollars. " 

This  section  is  very  broad  in  its  character,  and 
comprehends  all  organizations  having  for  their  pur 
pose  resistance  to  any  of  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  or  which  are  intended  to  weaken  the  power 
of  the  Government  and  disable  it  from  suppressing 
the  rebellion — thus  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  our 
enemies.  It  having  been  enacted  by  the  Legisla 
ture  of  the  State,  it  is  especially  commended  to  the 
consideration  of  such  persons  as  are  tainted  with 
the  dangerous  heresy  that  their  allegiance  is  due  to 
the  State,  and  not  to  the  United  States. 

The  offenses  defined  and  punished  in  the  statutes 
I  have  quoted,  are  below  the  grade  of  treason,  and 
the  guilt  of  the  accused  party  maybe  established  by 
one  credible  witness,  or  by  circumstantial  evidence, 
as  in  ordinary  criminal  prosecutions. 


360  LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

It  will  be  my  purpose  in  the  future,  as  in  the 
past,  to  do  my  whole  duty  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  and  the  people  of  Indiana.  In  the 
administration  of  the  law,  and  the  performance  of 
official  duties,  I  recognize  no  parties. 

All  who  obey  the  laws,  keep  the  peace,  and  dis 
charge  their  duties  as  citizens,  are  alike  entitled  to, 
and  will  receive  protection  in  person  and  property. 
The  alarm  which  some  are  attempting  to  create  of 
the  improper  interference  of  the  military  authori 
ties,  maybe  dismissed  as  without  foundation. 

The  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and 
petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  speak  and 
publish  their  opinions  touching  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  or  the  conduct  of  the  war,  must  be 
respected,  and  the  enjoyment  of  it  protected.  But 
there  is  a  wide  difference  between  the  legitimate 
exercises  of  this  right  and  that  unbridled  license  of 
speech  which  seeks,  by  the  assertion  of  the  most 
atrocious  falsehoods,  to  exasperate  the  people  to 
madness  and  drive  them  into  a  position  of  neutrality 
between  their  Government  and  the  rebels,  if  not 
into  the  very  arms  of  the  rebellion,  combine  them 
in  dangerous  societies,  provoke  them  to  resist  the 
laws,  and  thus  contribute  directly  to  weaken  our 
own  Government  and  strengthen  the  cause  of 
the  enemy. 

The  criticism  of  one  who  is  friendly  to  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  who  is  anxious  that  it  shall  succeed 
and  be  preserved,  and  who  points  out  its  errors  that 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  361 

they  may  bo  corrected,  is  wholly  different  from  the 
denunciation  which  seeks  to  bring  the  Government 
into  contempt  and  render  it  odious  to  the  people, 
thereby  withdrawing  from  it  that  natural  support 
so  necessary  to  its  life,  when  struggling  in  battle 
with  a  powerful  enemy.  The  one  can  never  be 
mistaken  for  the  other. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  exercise  of 
the  plainest  rights  and  privileges  may  be  greatly 
modified  by  surrounding  circumstances ;  that  what 
may  be  proper  or  innocent  and  harmless  at  one 
time,  may  be  dangerous  and  criminal  at  another. 

To  advocate  the  right  of  secession  and  rebellion, 
or  the  dissolution  of  our  Government,  might  be 
harmless  enough  in  time  of  profound  peace,  but 
when  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  desperate  civil 
war,  which  is  consuming  the  best  blood  and  treas 
ure  of  the  nation,  and  the  misfortune  of  arms 
might  within  a  few  days,  bring  the  enemy  upon  the 
soil  of  our  State,  will  it  be  contended  that  the 
privilege  of  free  speech  gives  the  right  to  advocate 
the  rebellion,  resistance  to  our  own  Government,  or 
the  abandonment  of  it  to  its  enemies  ?  That  which 
is  idle  talk  in  time  of  peace  may  become  "  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemy,"  and  punishable  by  the  laws 
of  the  land,  when  that  enemy  is  at  our  doors. 

Let  me  exhort   the  people  to   moderation  and 
submission  to  the  laws,  and  laying  aside  their  resent 
ments  and  prejudices,  to  take  counsel  only  of  their 
duties  and  the  dangers  which  threaten  the  nation; 
31 


362        LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND   PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF 

and  while  I  assure  them  that  protection  shall  bo 
extended  to  life,  liberty,  and  property,  and  that 
equal  and  exact  justice  shall  he  administered  to  all, 
I  would  impress  them  with  the  fact,  that  if  needs 
he,  the  whole  power  of  the  State  and  Nation  will  he 
invoked  to  execute  the  laws,  preserve  the  public 
peace,  and  bring  offenders  to  punishment. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  the  city  of  Indianapolis, 
Indiana,  this  llth  day  of  June,  A.  D.  1863. 

0.  P.  MORTON, 

Governor  of  Indiana, 
Executive  Department. 

AN  ORATION  DELIVERED   BY  GOVERNOR  MORTON  AT 

CBNTERVILLE,  INDIANA,  ON  THE  FOURTH   DAY  o*' 

JULY,  1863. 

The  marshal,  Leafe  Develin,  Esq.,  gracefully 
introduced  the  orator  as  follows : 

Fellow -citizens,  friends  and  neighbors :  I  am 
proud  of  having  the  opportunity,  on  this  interesting 
occasion,  of  introducing  to  your  attention  His 
Excellency  Governor  Morton,  not  only  the  Execu 
tive  of  the  noble  State  of  Indiana,  but  pre-eminent 
ly  the  citizen's  guardian  and  the  soldier's  friend. 

The  Governor  then  proceeded  with  the  following 
impromptu  address,  which  we  have  considerably 
abridged : 

Fellow-citizens :  I  appear  before  you  under  cir 
cumstances  the  most  solemn  and  impressive.  You 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  363 

have  often  before  met  to  celebrate  the  independence 
of  your  country,  but  never  under  circumstances  like 
the  present.  Many  of  our  brave  soldiers  are  doubt 
less  bleeding  to  day  in  defense  of  our  country  and  her 
free  institutions.  Our  own  fathers,  brothers,  sons, 
and  husbands  are  in  the  very  front  of  battle,  and 
almost  every  flash  along  the  wire  tells  us  of  loved 
ones  who  have  bravely  fallen.  Let  us  endeavor  to 
realize  the  difference  between  them  and  ourselves 
to-day.  They  are  falling  in  the  great  struggle  for 
the  preservation  of  the  freedom  under  which  we  are 
enabled  to  assemble  in  peace  in  remembrance  of 
the  sacrifices  of  our  heroic  fathers  of  the  revolution, 
in  securing  for  America  the  freedom  and  nationality 
that  traitors  are  now  seeking  to  overthrow. 

Eighty-seven  years  ago  to-day  a  most  illustrious 
convention  of  devoted  men  proclaimed  the  birth  of 
our  nation.  Thus  began  our  national  life,  and 
what  I  have  to  say  to  you  will  be  mainly  a  com 
mentary  upon  the  sacred  instrument  that  has  just 
been  read.  Such  is  the  pressure  of  my  public 
duties  that  I  have  had  scarcely  an  hour's  thought 
in  preparation  for  this  occasion,  and  I  must  speak 
to  you  as  the  truth  is  burning  in  my  heart,  or  I 
must  not  speak  at  all. 

HUMAN  EQUALITY. 

For  what,  fellow-citizens,  is  that  instrument  espe 
cially  distinguished?  Apart  from  a  long  list  of 
grievances,  there  are  three  or  four  important  m  il- 


364          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

ters  set  forth,  to  which  1  desire  to  call  your  atten 
tion. 

1.  In  the  first  place  our  fathers  declared  that  "  all 
mankind  are  created  free  and  equal,  and  are  entitled 
to  certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life, 
liberty  and  the   pursuit  of  happiness.  "     They  an 
nounced  the  fundamental  principles  on  which  the 
new  government  was  to  be  established.     In    this 
they  only  addressed  the  conscience  of  the  world,— 
the  common  sense  of  mankind  in  reference  to  self- 
evident  truths. 

What  did  they  mean  by  the  idea  that  all  man 
kind  are  created  equal  ?  They  did  not  mean  equal 
in  power,  physical,  intellectual  or  moral ;  but  sim 
ply  that  all  are  entitled  to  the  same  rights,  that  the 
same  justice  presides  over  all,  and  all  should  be  held 
as  "equal  before  the  law,"  which  should  be  no 
respecter  of  persons. 

Those,  therefore,  who  cavil  at  this  declaration  of 
equality  as  logically  unsound,  betray  their  lack  of 
respect  for  free  principles  and  popular  government. 
That  the  rights  of  all  mankind  are  the  same,  is  the 
great  truth  that  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our  Gov 
ernment. 

INALIENABLE  EIGHTS. 

2.  All  "  are  entitled  to  certain  inalienable  rights.  " 
This  is  the   fundamental   distinction  between  the 
theory  of  our  Constitution  and  that  of  the  Brit 
ish  government.     The  theory   of  Great  Britain  is 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  305 

that  the  people  are  entitled  to  no  rights  except 
those  which  may  he  granted  to  them  from  the 
Crown.  The  Lords  of  E-unimede  extorted  from 
the  King  the  privileges  of  the  Magna  Charta,  which 
are  held  to  have  "been  a  grant  from  the  Crown. 
But  we  hold  that  the  liberties  of  man  are  derived 
from  God,  and  not  from  crowns,  constitutions,  or 
magna  chartas,  and  that  they  are  inalienable. 

What  is  meant  by  inalienable  in  this  connection? 
These  rights  can  not  be  sold  or  rightfully  given  up  by 
the  people  or  any  individual.  They  pertain  to  him 
as  man,  and  are  essential  to  his  existence  as  a  man. 
Ko  one  has  a  right  to  sell  himself,  because  he  was 
born  for  certain  duties  and  should  be  free  to  dis 
charge  them.  "No  one  can  deprive  himself,  by  any 
instrument,  however  solemn,  of  the  privileges  of 
exercising  the  liberties  with  which  he  was  created. 

AN  INDIVISIBLE  NATIONALITY. 

Our  fathers  also  proclaimed,  in  the  most  solemn 
form,  the  principle  that  the  Colonies  constituted 
but  one  nation.  They  did  not  act  as  the  people  of 
thirteen  independent  Colonies,  but  as  one  individ 
ual  people.  This  vital  and  most  important  truth  is 
announced  in  the  first  sentence  of  the  Declaration: 
"  "When  in  the  course  of  human  events  it  becomes 
necessary  for  One  People,"  etc.  As  one  people  they 
dissolved  their  connection  with,  and  dependence 
upon,  the  British  crown.  And  at  the  close  of  the 
instrument  the  same  principle  is  declared. 


366         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  tlie  first  thought  in  the 
minds  of  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution,  was  that 
they  were  dealing  as  ONE  PEOPLE  not  as  Colonies,  in 
a  separate  municipal  or  civil  capacity,  but  as  an 
undivided  people. 

The  same  principle  was  announced  by  the  Con 
vention  of  1787,  the  first  words  of  the  Constitution 
being :  "  "We,  the  people,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,"  etc.  They  were  particular  in  stat 
ing  that  it  was  not  in  the  capacity  of  the  several 
States  that  they  acted  ;  but  that  the  Constitution 
was  a  compact  of  the  people  of  all  the  States  as  one 
people. 

PRINCIPLES  INVOLVED  IN  THE  WAR. 

There  are  two  theories  in  collision  in  this  bloody 
contest.  On  one  hand  it  is  held  that  we  are  not 
such  a  people  as  the  American  nation,  but  that  we 
are  thirty-four  independent  States,  constituting  a 
compact  from  which  they  can  withdraw  at  pleasure. 
The  other  theory  is  that  we  are  a  unit,  one  and 
indivisible;  that  we  are  not  separable  into  parts, 
but  constitute  a  whole  nation  for  common  purposes 
clearly  defined  in  the  Constitution.  As  the  States 
are  divided  into  counties,  all  ot  which  constitute 
the  State :  so  the  nation  is  divided  into  States,  all 
of  which  constitute  the  National  government. 

When  certain  States  undertook  the  treasonable 
work  of  secession  they  issued  a  declaration  omit 
ting  or  repudiating  all  the  fundamental'  principles 
announced  by  our  fathers.  They  start  out  with: 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  367 

"We,  the  deputies  of  the  several  States  of  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  &c.,  do  ordain  this  celebration." 
Thus  clearly  implying  that  the  fathers  did  act  as 
one  people,  while  the  Southern  States  in  secession 
act  as  separate  governments.  I  allude  to  these 
things  to  show  that  this  war  is  a  war  to  subvert 
the  principles  which  our  fathers  promulgated  eighty- 
seven  years  ago ;  and  ours  is  now  the  great  duty  of 
maintaining  and  preserving  them,  to-wit,  the  great 
principles  of  human  equality,  human  rights,  and  an 
indivisible  nationality.  And  on  such  an^ccasion  as 
this,  while  the  best  blood  of  the  land  is  flowing  like 
a  river  to  maintain  the  doctrines  of  the  Declaration, 
he  who  can  stand  up  and  speak  to  the  people  with 
out  referring  to  these  matters,  can  have  but  little 
heart  or  head,  and  none  of  the  spirit  of  his 
ancestors.  We  are  standing,  as  it  were,  on  the 
brink  of  the  Nation's  grave,  and  an  unlucky  acci 
dent  may  be  fatal.  It  therefore  becomes  us  at  this 
hour  seriously  to  consider  what  we  are  fighting  for. 

SECESSION. 

It  is  not  material  how  the  war  began.  Enough 
that  we  are  in  a  war  for  national  preservation,  com 
pared  to  which  the  Revolution  was  a  mere  skirm 
ish.  Though  it  is  interesting  to  consider  the  causes 
of  the  war,  yet  how  reckless  would  be  the  man 
who,  seeing  one  drowning,  should  stop  to  inquire 
how  he  got  into  the  water  before  attempting  to 
rescue  him.  Save  him  first,  and  then  make  all 


368          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

interesting  inquiries  in  the  case.  We  are  in  the 
war,  and  it  is  important  in  some  respects,  for  the 
satisfaction  of  conscience,  to  make  some  reference 
to  the  origin  of  the  war.  Thirty  years  ago  South 
Carolina  attempted  to  destroy  the  government,  but 
the  hero  of  New  Orleans  was  President,  and  though 
he  crushed  the  treason  at  that  time,  yet  the  seeds 
remained  and  germinated  on  a  larger  scale,  till  sev 
eral  States  were  corrupted  by  the  delusion. 

[The  orator  then  reviewed  the  plunder  of  the 
government  in  view  of  secession,  the  unmolested 
preparations  for  bombarding  Fort  Sunnier,  begin 
ning  in  January,  1861,  and  ending  with  the  lower 
ing  of  the  flag  to  traitors  in  the  following  April. 
He  also  considered  the  object  of  rebels,  to- wit,  the 
destruction  of  the  government,  the  overthrow  of 
free  principles,  and  the  establishment  of  an  aristoc 
racy.  He  then  came  to  the  question  so  interesting 

to  us  all.] 

ABOUT  PEACE. 

How  can  peace  be  restored  with  the  restora 
tion  of  our  country?  By  some  it  is  said  that  we 
can  have  peace  by  abandoning  the  conflict;  that 
we  can  proclaim  an  armistice,  and  negotiate  for 
peace.  To  have  an  armistice  some  one  must  ask 
for  it.  The  rebels  won't  ask  for  it,  and  therefore 
we  must.  Should  they  ask  for  it,  we  should  very 
naturally  infer  that  they  were  in  very  straightened 
circumstances ;  and  should  we  ask  for  it,  they 
would  conclude  the  same  thing  of  us, 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER    P.    MORTON.  869 

Should  we  ask  it,  what  would  be  their  reply? 
They  have  told  us  time  and  again,  that  they  would 
not  treat  with  us  till  we  should  withdraw  our 
armies.  This  they  make  a  condition  precedent  to 
a  convention  for  treating  of  p^eace. 

Suppose,  then,  that  we  have  taken  the  first 
necessary  step,  withdrawn  our  army,  raised  the 
blockade,  and  are  assembled  in  convention  at  Louis 
ville  or  Nashville,  to  negotiate  for  peace.  They  at 
once  tell  us  that  they  will  not  commence  the  dis 
cussion  until  we  acknowledge  their  independence. 
We  may  startled  by  their  bold  demand,  but  we 
soon  find  that  an  acknowledgment  is  indispensable, 
and  at  once  sign  and  deliver  to  traitors  the  bond 
for  our  national  destruction. 

Now  we  come  to  the  question  of  peace,  and  the 
first  inquiry  is  where  shall  be  the  boundary  ?  We 
say  it  must  be  south  of  Missouri,  Kentucky,  etc., 
but  they  most  ^emphatically  say,  "  No,  we  will  not 
relinquish  one  of  the  slave  States.  Every  one  of 
them  is  a  star  on  our  flag,  and  all  of  them  have 
representatives  and  senators  in  our  congress,  and  we 
will  not  have  peace  until  all  the  slave  States  are  con 
ceded  to  us. "  Thus,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  permit 
them  to  coerce  the  four  border  States  to  the  em 
brace  of  their  hateful  Confederacy  ! 

What  then  do  we  lose  ?  We  lose  the  Capital,  as 
the  District  of  Columbia  is  within  the  territory  they 
demand.  We  lose,  also,  the  control  of  the  Missis 
sippi  river.  Some  of  you  say,  "  Not  so;  they  once 


370      LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

offered  us  the  free  navigation  of  that  great  channel 
of  commerce. "  But  you  must  remember  that  this 
offer  was  before  they  had  created  so  heavy  a  war 
debt,  and  now  they  will  say  to  us  that  we  shall  not 
send  to  market  on  its  bosom  a  single  barrel  of  flour 
without  paying  a  duty  upon  it.  In  response,  we 
say  that  we  can  not  relinquish  the  freedom  of  navi 
gation  on  the  Mississippi.  To  which  they  reply 
most  emphatically,  "  Then  we  will  have  no  peace" 

Thus,  while  we  are  negotiating  toward  our  own 
dishonor  and  destruction,  they  are  selling  millions 
of  dollars  worth  of  cotton  to  England,  building  an 
iron-clad  fleet,  and  preparing  to  renew  the  war  with 
more  bloody  desperation  than  before !  We  should 
be  unable  to  renew  the  conflict.  They  will  have 
gained  every  advantage,  and  we  be  compelled  to 
bow  to  their  will. 

They  tell  us  in  the  next  place  that  they  will  not 
have  peace  unless  we  will  pay  at  least  a  part  of  their 
war  debt.  You  reply  that  we  must  then  return  to 
arms.  Ah,  it  is  too  late!  We  can  not  renew  the 
contest.  Our  armies  are  disbanded ;  we  are  power 
less,  and  must  accept  their  terms.  We  thus  find 
ourselves  compelled  to  see  our  Government  des 
troyed  and  ourselves  entirely  ruined !  I  ask  you  as 
patriots,  who  love  your  country  supremely  above 
every  thing  else  of  earth,  are  you  prepared  to  play 
the  part  I  have  described  in  this  humiliating  scene  ? 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  371 

FURTHER  DISINTEGRATIONS. 

Thus  shut  out  from  the  Gulf  and  cut  off  from 
the  East,  what  will  be  the  next  act  of  this  terrible 
tragedy?  We  will  not  submit  to  the  burden  of  both 
debts,  and  disintegration  will  go  on.  The  South  1ms 
saddled  its  debt  upon  us,  has  made  a  most  glorious 
peace  out  of  us,  and  we  shall  be  left  to  play  the 
scoundrel's  part  in  repudiation  by  further  seces-' 
sions,  war  and  bloodshed.  Thus  we  should  be  bro 
ken,  destroyed  and  disgraced  before  the  world  for 
all  time  to  come.  The  fatal  consequences  fall  upon 
all  alike.  We  are  all  in  the  same  boat.  We  can  not 
have  peace  in  this  way.  It  is  a  physical,  intellectual 
and  moral  impossibility. 

WE  MUST  FIGHT. 

We  have  no  other  alternative  than  to  fight  out 
the  war.  Our  only  safety  is  in  the  complete  sup 
pression  of  the  rebellion. 

We  must  conquer  at  whatever  cost.  It  will  cost 
us  every  thing  not  to  do  it,  and  do  it  we  must.  Our 
fathers  waged  a  seven  years'  war  to  secure  our 
liberties,  and  can  we  not  fight  seven  years,  if 
necessary,  to  preserve  them.  We  must  not  look 
for  peace  in  any  other  way. 

But  to  fight  it  out  we  must  have  an  army.  The 
army  in  the  field  must  be  recruited  and  sustained. 
That  glorious  army !  What  emotions  the  thought 
of  it  enkindles  in  my  breast !  We  should  love  it 
beyond  all  things  else  on  earth.  But  I  fear  we  do 


372          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

not  love  it  as  well  as  we  should !  How  many  of 
these  brave  soldiers  have  gone  down  in  the  contest, 
leaving  weeping  wives,  mothers  and  sisters,  to 
whom  they  were  as  dear  as  any  are  to  us !  And 
shall  we  now  desert  them  ?  Look  at  that  battle- 
shattered  flag  [pointing  to  the  riddled  flag  of  the 
brave  Nineteenth  Indiana,  hanging  from  the  plat 
form].  The  sad  news  comes  to  us  to-day  that  more 
than  half  of  what  remained  of  that  gallant  regiment 
have  met  a  soldier's  and  a  patriot's  death  in  the 
battle  now  going  on! 

Our  glorious  Government  has  given  us  all  our 
prosperity.  Even  now  these  Northern  States  are 
flourishing  as  they  never  flourished  before.  I  was 
struck  with  this  fact  in  a  recent  visit  to  New  York. 
There  and  every  where  all  branches  of  business 
are  more  active  than  ever  before.  The  great  marts 
of  trade  eclipse  every  thing  ever  known  in  this 
country,  and  were  it  not  for  the  news  of  battles  and 
the  loss  of  dear  kindred  and  friends,  we  should  not 
know  we  were  in  a  war.  Have  we  given  of  our 
substance  with  patriotic  liberality  to  the  relief  of 
the  sick  and  wounded,  and  the  support  of  the 
dependent  families  of  soldiers  who  have  fallen  to 
procure  for  us  every  thing  sacred  and  glorious  ? 

WE   MUST    HAVE    AN    ARMY. 

We  must  have  an  army.  How  shall  we  have  it  ? 
Is  it  a  party  question  ?  Great  God !  that  one  should 
think  of  party  when  such  a  question  is  asked ! 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  873 

What  multitudes  have  fallen  and  died  in  the 
hospitals,  that  are  still  full  of  sick  and  wounded ! 
The  army  must  be  recruited.  Let  every  one  take 
this  great  fact  home  to  himself,  and  fill  up  the 
ranks.  We  shall  ultimately  succeed. 

The  army  must  be  filled  up  by  conscription,  and 
he  who  stands  in  the  way  courts  his  own  destruc 
tion.  ~Not  destruction  in  honorable  battle,  but  a 
most  ignoble  destruction  as  an  enemy  of  his  country. 
The  Government  will  every  where  enforce  the 

law. 

CONSCRIPTION. 

Objections  have  been  urged  against  the  Conscrip 
tion  act.  I  was  not  entirely  satisfied  with  it  myself. 
I  would  not  have  inserted  the  $300  clause,  for  the 
object  is  to  get  men,  not  money.  A  small  draft 
was  made  under  the  last  levy,  in  Indiana,  and  the 
price  of  substitutes  ranged  from  §300  to  $800,  when 
the  term  was  only  nine  months.  Now  when  the 
draft  is  to  be  for  the  war,  the  price  will  run  much 
higher.  The  clause  was  inserted  for  the  benefit  of 
the  poor  man ;  but  I  would  have  required  every 
drafted  man  to  either  go  or  furnish  his  own  substi 
tute.  But  it  is  the  law,  and  I  shall  stand  by  it  as  it 
is,  and  enforce  it  in  good  faith,  equally  and  every 
where.  To  prosecute  the  war  we  must  have  the 
means.  Providence  works  by  means,  and  we  must 
employ  them.  It  is  a  Spanish  proverb  that  "  Provi 
dence  helps  those  who  help  themselves." 

What  are  the  means?     The  army  and  the  navy. 


374        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

The  army  has  hitherto  been  confined  to  one  single 
race.  It  is  the  bodies  of  our  brethren  that  are 
decomposing  upon  the  bloody  ground  or  mingling 
with  the  winds.  "We  must  use  all  the  means  at  our 
command. 

NEGRO  ENLISTMENTS. 

There  is  in  the  South  a  population  of  4,250,000 
of  another  race,  who  can  furnish  the  usual  propo- 
tion  of  able-bodied  men.  If  we  refuse  to  employ 
these,  we  must,  the  more  of  us,  go  ourselves,  to 
breast  all  the  dangers  and  endure  the  hardships  of 
war. 

Is  it  not  right  to  employ  all  the  means  ?  Most 
certainly  it  is !  This  is  the  response  of  the  common 
sense  of  mankind.  Even  if  the  negroes  will  not 
make  as  good  soldiers,  let  us  make  what  use  of 
them  we  can.  If  they  are  only  a  quarter  as  good, 
let  us  have  the  quarter.  If  they  can  be  made  to 
save  the  blood  of  our  fathers,  brothers  and  sons, 
shall  they  not  be  employed?  But  you  all  know 
that  they  have  been  tried,  and  have  fought  with 
distinguished  valor.  The  recruiting  of  negroes  is 
rapidly  going  on.  We  have  already  30,000  in  the 
field,  and  the  number  will  soon  swell  to  100,000. 

Suppose  one  of  those  who  say,  fight  it  out  without 
the  negro  or  not  fight  at  all,  were  drafted,  and  the 
choice  given  him  to  go  or  send  a  negro  in  his  place, 
I  think  that  he  would  succeed  in  conquering  his 
prejudices  and  say,  let  the  negro  go.  We  shall  garri 
son  the  South  with  negroes,  and  every  one  we 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  375 

enlist  enables  one  of  us  to  stay  at  home.  We  em 
ploy  every  other  instrumentality,  and  what  reason 
can  be  urged  against  employing  the  negro  power  ? 

THE  MORAL  QUESTION. 

But  I  must  speak  of  one  thing  that  you  can  no 
more  overlook  than  you  can  overlook  the  sun  that 
is  now  beaming  down  upon  us.  We  have  now 
approached  the  condition  in  which  the  moral  ques 
tions  involved  in  slavery  are  overwhelmed  by  the 
physical  necessity  of  the  case.  The  question  is  not 
whether  slavery  is  wrong,  but  whether  we  can  use 
the  slaves  in  putting  down  the  rebellion. 

The  rebels  employ  the  negroes,  and  even  put 
tomahawks  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  against 
us.  They  provide  food,  perform  all  the  labor  of  the 
camp,  on  the  march  and  to  the  field.  If  we  withdraw 
their  slaves  their  masters  must  go  home  to  provide 
against  the  starvation  of  their  families.  If  the  reb 
els  against  the  Government  can  use  them  for  its 
destruction  shall  we  not  be  permitted  to  use  them  for 
our  national  preservation  ? 

CONSTITUTIONALITIES. 

But  we  hear  much  about  unconstitutionality  in 
reference  to  this  question.  Chief  Justice  Taney  has 
recently  decided  the  blockade  to  be  unconstitutional, 
and  yet  there  is  not  a  word  in  the  Constitution  in 
reference  to  a  blockade.  So  with  many  other 
things.  The  fathers  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to 


376         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC    SERVICES  OF 

insert  the  laws  of  war  in  the  Constitution.  The 
blockade  is  a  right  of  war — it  cripples  the  enemy, 
and  any  thing  else  that  would  damage  the  enemy 
is  constitutional  for  the  same  reason.  What  con 
stitutional  right  have  we  to  destroy  the  mills  of 
the  enemy  ?  The  right  of  a  belligerent,  that  would 
be  false  to  itself  if  it  did  not  destroy  all  means  of 
sustaining  the  enemy.  Provisions  go  before  war. 
Destroy  their  provisions  and  the  enemy  becomes 
powerless.  Hence  the  right  to  blockade,  burn  mills, 
seize  cattle,  &c.,  &c. 

Carry  it  a  little  further.  There  are  slaves  that 
produce  food  for  the  enemy,  without  which  he 
eould  not  butcher  our  relatives  and  friends.  Have 
we  not  the  same  right  to  cripple  him  in  this  respect, 
that  we  have  to  blockade  him,  burn  his  mills  and 
capture  his  mules  ?  The  question  is  not  whether 
slavery  is  protected  by  the  Constitution — but  does 
it  support  the  enemy  ?  is  the  only  question  to  con 
sider.  The  Constitution  protects  commerce,  but 
we  blockade ;  it  protects  mills  and  mules,  but  we 
seize  the  one  and  burn  the  other.  So  with  the 
slaves;  they  sustain  the  foe,  let  us  turn  them 
against  him. 

OUR  GLORIOUS  ARMY. 

[  The  orator  now  returned  to  the  army,  and  made 
a  most  effective  appeal  for  its  support.  He  paid  a 
high  and  deserved  tribute  to  the  soldiers  of  Indi 
ana.  ] 

How   gallantly   have   the  Indiana   troops  borne 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  377 

themselves  in  this  war  ?  Where  and  when  have 
they  turned  from  the  foe  ?  Indiana  was  disgraced 
in  the  Mexican  war  by  the  misrepresentation  of  that 
king  of  traitors,  Jeff.  Davis ;  but  that  dishonor  has 
been  most  effectually  wiped  out.  Who  is  now 
ashamed  of  being  called  a  Hoosier  ?  Formerly  we 
found  men  anxious  to  have  it  known  that  they  were 
born  in  Kentucky,  Pennsylvania,  or  some  other 
State,  but  now  they  are  very  well  reconciled  to  the 
fact  of  having  been  born  in  Indiana. 

But  we  must  remember  the  army.  Shall  we 
stand  here  to  day  quibbling  about  terms  while  twenty 
thousand  of  our  friends  are  falling  in  battle  ?  Let 
us  rise  to  the  height  of  the  argument,  and  discharge 
the  duties  of  the  hour  for  the  sake  of  both  the  pres 
ent  and  the  future, 

[  The  orator  continued  in  a  touching  appeal  for 
sympathy  and  liberality  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers 
and  their  families.] 

We  promised  to  provide  for  their  wives  and  chil 
dren  when  they  left  for  the  field.     Have  we  fulfilled 
our  promises  ?    Do  we  send  their  children  to  school  ? 
Let  every  one  ask  the  question  whether  he  has  con 
tributed  as  he  should  in  their  behalf. 

In  conclusion,  let  us  all  go  to  our  several  homes, 
resolved  to  do  our  whole  duty,  come  what  will. 
Let  us  show  that  we  possess  a  wholesome  reverence 
for  our  institutions,  and  veneration  for  our  fathers. 
Let  us  do  our  duty,  our  whole  duty,  and  nothing 
short  of  our  duty,  in  this  crisis  of  our  country. 
32 


378       LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

COMPLIMENTARY  CALL  ON  GOVERNOR  MORTON. 
JULY  20m,  1863. 

Governor  Morton,  of  our  sister  State  of  Indiana, 
being  in  the  city  last  evening,  a  committee  of  tliu 
City  Council,  Messrs.  Weasner,  Hay  den  and  John 
ston,  improved  the  occasion  of  presenting  to  him  a 
resolution  adopted  by  the  Council  some  weeks  since, 
asking  him  to  sit  for  a  portrait,  to  be  hung  up  in  the 
City  Hall.  They  met  him  in  a  reception  room  of 
the  Burnet  House,  where  were  present,  also,  a 
number  of  the  leading  citizens  of  the  city. 

After  the  Governor  had  been  introduced  to  the 
gentlemen,  Mr.  Weasner  as  President  of  the  Coun 
cil,  addressed  him,  and  referred  to  the  action  of  that 
5body  in  soliciting  him  to  sit  "for  a  portrait,  and  pre 
sented  him  with  a  copy  of  the  resolution.  He  then 
continued:  "  Of  all  the  men  in  civil  life,  during 
these  troublesome  times,  we  say  to  you  that  we 
regard  you  as  standing  foremost  of  them  all  in  the 
performance  of  your  patriotic  duties.  I  know  that 
in  the  hearts  of  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati  no  man 
is  held  in  higher  esteem  than  Governor  Morton,  of 
Indiana.  Whenever  a  crisis  has  arrived,  you  have 
always  been  ready  to  meet  it.  Whenever  the  Gov 
ernment  has  wanted  soldiers  you  have  found  a  way 
to  furnish  them.  You  have  always  been  up  to  the 
occasion.  And  during  our  own  troubles,  here,  last 
fall,  we  felt  that  we  were  especially  much  indebted 
to  you.  When  we  called  for  help,  your  response 
was  prompt  and  efficient." 


GOVEENOR  OLIVER  P.   MORTON.  379 

Mr.  "Weasner  then  said  that  it  was  in  considera 
tion  of  the  timely  aid  thus  rendered,  as  well  as  their 
estimation  of  his  services  to  the  nation,  that  the 
City  Council  passed  the  resolution  referred  to. 
They  regarded  the  possession  of  his  portrait  and. its 
preservation  in  the  City  Hall,  as  the  most  fitting 
way  of  holding  his  services  in  the  most  grateful 
remembrance. 

Governor  Morton  responded  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Committee :  —  I  should  certainly 
be  very  insensible  if  I  did  not  feel  flattered  and  grat 
ified  with  what  you  have  said.  So  far  as  any  assist 
ance  that  I  have  rendered  to  Cincinnati  is  con- 
cernedl  did  no  more  than  was  my  duty,  and  I  ought 
to  have  done  more  if  I  could.  Although  I  live  in 
Indiana,  I  spent  a  considerable  portion  of  my  boy 
hood  near  Cincinnati,  and  when  I  come  among  you 
I  feel  very  much  as  though  I  were  at  home.  As  to 
what  I  have  done  in  matters  connected  with  the 
war,  I  must  say  that  when  the  war  broke  out  I  felt 
tli  at  all  I  had  at  stake  was  bound  up  in  it,  and  that 
it  was  my  duty  to  do  all  that  my  energy  would  ena 
ble  me  to  do.  And  I  was  placed  in  a  position 
\vhere  I  have  been  able  to  do  something  more  than 
others,  but  I  fear  I  have  received  more  credit  for 
what  I  have  done  than  I  ought  to  receive. 

Allow  me,  gentlemen,  to  return  to  you  my  warm 
est  thanks  for  this  compliment.  I  regard  it  very 
highly,  coming,  as  it  does,  from  the  great  Commer 
cial  Metropolis  of  the  Northwest.  I  trust  that 


380          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

Cincinnati  has  been  threatened  for  the  last  time  dur 
ing  the  progress  of  this  war.  Recent  events  have 
very  much  cleared  away  the  gloom  that  lowered  on 
the  whole  country  ;  and  I  believe  we  may  say,  with 
some  confidence,  that  the  war  is  measurably  over 
in  the  Mississippi  valley.  The  great  event  of  the 
war  has  transpired,  and  one  which  is  of  special 
importance  to  the  City  of  Cincinnati — the  open 
ing  of  the  Mississippi  river.  It  is  the  beginning 
of  the  end.  I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to 
tender  to  you  the  thanks  of  the  people  of  Indiana, 
for  the  uniform  kindness  which  the  soldiers  of  Indi 
ana  have  received  in  passing  through  your  city. 
This  treatment  has  touched  our  people  most  deeply, 
and  there  are  very  few  of  our  people  who  have  not, 
through  their  friends,  been  made  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances  of  this  hospitality. 

When  Cincinnati  was  threatened  by  the  com 
mon  enemy,  it  was  to  us  as  though  a  city  of  Indi 
ana  had  been  threatened,  for  we  have  always 
claimed  this  as  being  measurably  our  own  city, 
bound  as  it  is  so  closely  to  our  own  State,  both 
geographically  and  commercially.  Hence,  our  peo 
ple  have  rallied  as  promptly  to  its  defense  as  they 
would  to  the  defense  of  any  portion  of  their  ovvr, 
State.  And  besides  this,  Cincinnati  and  Ohio  arc 
part  of  our  common  country,  and  we  have  a  right 
to  claim  the  people  of  Cincinnati  as  our  fellow  citi 
zens.  But,  we  hope  the  end  of  the  war  approaches, 
and  as  it  dors  approach,  we  will  have  new  duties 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  381 

t 

to  perform,  and  greater  difficulties  to  overcome. 
The  great  struggle  in  the  settlement  of  our  diffi 
culties,  that  is  to  try  the  wisdom  and  forbear 
ance  of  our  people,  is  yet  to  come,  and  we  should 
cherish  these  kind  and  fraternal  feelings. 

The  Governor  (not  having  intended  any  lengthy 
remarks)  again  thanked  the  Committee,  and 
through  them  the  people  of  Cincinnati,  for  the 
marked  favor  shown  him,  and  closed,  when  the 
concourse  of  visitors  engaged  in  general  conversa 
tion. 


382         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Miscellaneous  correspondence  and  reasons  therefor. 

The  original  design  in  procuring  the  following 
correspondence,  was  to  have  embodied  its  contents 
in  a  separate  chapter ;  but  as  it  has  proved  so  differ 
ent  in  character  from  what  was  expected,  or  even 
anticipated,  we  have,  upon  reflection,  decided  to 
publish  it  in  detail.  In  itself  it  affords  an  interest 
ing  chapter,  and  we  trftst  will  be  read  with  pleasure 
by  all  who  take  an  interest  in  the  contents  of  these 
pages.  To  say  the  least  that  can  be  said  of  it,  it 
affords  a  chapter  of  evidence  in  favor  of  Gov. 
Morton  that  is  entirely  free  from  prejudice;  the 
contributors  thereof,  not  having  been  in  any  one 
single  instance  the  recipient  of  favors  from  the 
hands  of  the  Executive  of  the  state.  It  is  always 
pleasant  to  speak  well  of  those  with  whom  we  are 
associated,  or  of  those  whose  history  and  acts  we 
record.  If  truth  and  justice  demanded  the  oppo 
site  from  us,  we  might  be  constrained  to  remain 
silent.  It  is  perhaps  from  this  reason,  and  consid 
eration  alone,  that  so  many  biographies  are  writ 
ten  :  for  in  such  a  work,  we  may  not  speak  of  a 
man  unless  we  can  conscientiously  extol  his  virtues, 
and  pass  lightly  over  his  vices. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER   P.   MORTON.  383 

The  following  letter  is  the  same  in  matter  as  those 
addressed  to  all  the  correspondents,  and  therefore 
should  not  be  repeated. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  Oct.  4,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR  : — We  are  writing  the  life  of  Gov.  Mor 
ton,  and  desire  to  make  it  as  full  and  complete 
as  the  nature  of  the  case  and  circumstances  will 
allow,  and  therefore  ask  you  to  inform  us  of  the 
state  of  feeling  that  exists  in  the  minds  of  the  peo 
ple  of  your  locality,  in  reference  to  the  manner  in 
which  our  Executive  has  conducted  his  official  busi 
ness,  and  any  other  matters  of  interest  that  may 
have  transpired  since  the  commencement  of  this 
wicked  rebellion.  Respectfully  yours, 

W.  M.  FRENCH. 

WILSON  MORROW,  Esq. 

BROOKVILLE,  Oct.  15, 1863. 

DEAR  SIR: — In  response  to  your -inquiry  of  the 
4th  inst.,  in  regard  to  the  feeling  of  our  people  in 
reference  to  the  administration  of  our  present 
Executive,  I  feel  that  it  is  justly  due  to  him,  and  I 
am  proud  to  be  able  to  state,  that  so  far  as  my  * 
knowledge  extends,  the  whole  loyal  people  of  East 
ern  Indiana,  without  distinction  of  party,  are  full 
of  admiration  and  praise  of  Gov.  Morton,  for  the 
able  and  efficient  manner  in  which  he  has  conducted 
the  official  business  of  the  State,  and  his  prompt 
and  patriotic  efforts  to  aid  in  every  way  possible 


384         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AXD  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

the  General  government  in  putting  down  the  rebel 
lion.  They  feel  that  in  Governor  Morton  they  not 
only  have  a  true  friend  to  the  interest  of  the  State, 
and  that  his  whole  administration  has  been  directed 
to  its  general  welfare,  but  that  he  has  been  a  "  friend 
in  need  "  to  Indiana's  brave  soldiers,  a  true  friend 
to  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  to  our  good  Govern 
ment.  We  rest  satisfied  that  our  constitutional 
rights,  our  social,  political  and  commercial  interests, 
so  far  as  they  are  under  his  control,  are  safe. 

The  people  ought  to  and  will  appreciate  and 
admire  the  faithful  public  servant,  and  I  believe  that 
I  express  the  almost  universal  sentiment  and  feeling 
of  our  people  toward  our  present  Executive. 

The  few  who  denounce  him  are  those  who  have 
found  hirn  to  be  an  insurmountable  barrier  in  their 
way,  to  produce  revolution  in  the  northwest,  to 
cripple  and  destroy  the  influence  and  power  of  the 
Government,  break  up  the  Union  and  establish  a 
slave  oligarchy.  Respectfully  yours, 

WILSON  MORROW. 

W.  M.  FRENCH. 

JEFFERSONVILLE,  IND.,  Oct.  19, 1863. 
DEAR  SIR: — I  received  your  note  of  the  14th 
inst.,  and  was  rather  surprised  at  its  contents, 
because  of  your  selection  of  myself  as  a  suitable 
person  to  communicate  to  you  anything  like  a  cor 
rect  description  of  the  public  estimation  of  His 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  385 

Excellency  Gov.  0.  P.  Morton  in  this  portion  of  the 
State. 

There  are  many  reasons  which  would  justify  me 
in  declining  such  a  thing,  the  most  prominent  of 
which  is  my  thorough  conviction  of  my  utter  Inca 
pacity  to  even  approximate  to  a  proper  description 
of  the  services  and  merits  of  that  man  as  enter 
tained  by  the  people  of  this  section  of  the  State, 
qualified  by  this  exception,  which  you  can  readily 
appreciate,  that  there  exists  in  this  locality,  as  well 
as  in  every  other  portion  of  the  State,  some  party 
politicians  who  are  so  blinded  by  their  party  preju 
dices  that  they  would  not  only  withhold  from  Gov. 
Morton  the  due  meed  of  praise,  but  they  would 
traduce  and  try  to  blacken  the  character  of  an 
angel  who  would  not  subscribe  to  their  party  doc 
trines  ;  but  they  are  few  and  far  between,  and  are 
only  the  exception  to  an  almost  universal  public 
sentiment. 

I  regret  exceedingly  my  want  of  ability  to  use 
that  kind  of  language  which  would  convey  to  you 
the  general  public  estimate  of  the  public  life  and 
services  of  Gov.  Morton,  not  only  to  his  own  State, 
but  to  the  country  at  large,  during  her  struggle  with 
this  gigantic  rebellion. 

His  untiring  devotion  to  his  count ry,  and  more 
especially  the  interest  and  unbounded  zeal  mani 
fested  by  him  for  the  care  and  comfort  of  the 
Indiana  soldiers,  is  too  patent  in  the  public  mind  to 
be  forgotten.  The  parental  care  and  financial  skill 


386        LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

displayed  in  sustaining  the  benevolent  institutions 
of  the  State,  in  the  absence  of  any  provision  for 
the  same  by  the  last  Legislature,  are  acts  fresh  in 
the  recollection  of  the  people  in  this  portion  of  the 
State ;  and  it  only  remains  a  matter  of  time  for  the 
people,  in  their  gratitude,  to  reward  him  in  a  man 
ner  commensurate  with  his  sacrifices  and  labors  in 
their  behalf. 

And  so  far  as  I  have  heard  the  public  voice 
expressed  in  my  intercourse  with  the  people,  I  have 
no  hesitation  in  affirming  that  for  genuine  patriot 
ism,  enlightened  statesmanship  and  untiring  devo 
tion  to  his  country's  interest,  there  is  no  man  living 
who  has  any  stronger  hold  on  the  affections  of  the 
people,  not  in  thia  State  alone,  but  in  the  nation ; 
and  my  word  for  the  truth  of  the  prediction,  when 
this  cruel  and  unnatural  war  shall  come  to  an  end, 
and  our  brave  soldiers  have  returned  to  their  homes 
and  friends,  then  will  those  brave  men,  who  have 
been  the  objects  of  Gov.  Morton's  care  and  the  recip 
ients  of  many  comforts  when  far  from  home — then, 
I  say,  you  will  see  more  distinctly  than  I  can  now 
describe  to  you,  who  was  the  soldiers'  friend  and 
who  is  the  man  they  will  "  delight  to  honor." 

In  conclusion,  I  will  remark  that  I  have  sought 
merely  to  allude  to  a  few  traits  in  the  history  of  the 
past  few  years  of  Gov.  Morton's  life  and  will  leave 
the  task  of  writing  anything  like  a  suitable  tribute 
to  the  labors  of  that  excellent  man  to  abler  minds 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  387 

and  those  who  have  had  the  honor  of  a  more  inti  • 
mate  acquaintance.         With  respect, 

I  remain  yours,  &c., 

ELI   McCALLEY. 

Col.  WM.  M.  FRENCH. 


HUNTINGTON,  IND.,  Oct.  13,  1863. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  : — I  amagratified  to  learn  that 
you  are  preparing  for  publication  the  life  of  one  so 
closely  and  so  honorably  identified  with  the  interests 
of  our  State  as  that  of  Gov.  Morton.  Although 
his  official  life,  of  noble,  decided,  patriotic  action, 
is  written  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  the  present 
generation,  more  especially  of  our  brave  soldiers ; 
yet  it  will  be  a  worthy  model  to  present  to  our 
children. 

It  is  an  emergency  like  the  present  that  develops 
the  man  of  real  worth.  !N"o  Governor  of  our  State 
has  ever  had  such  stubborn  difficulties  to  meet ;  yet 
the  sentiment  of  our  people  is,  that  he  has  not  only 
bravely  met,  but  triumphantly  overcome  them,  in 
every  known  instance.  Even  his  enemies,  who 
plotted  his  overthrow,  at  the  risk  of  civil  war  in 
the  State,  feel  that  by  his  decision  and  energy,  they 
were  sadly  defeated ;  showing  himself  to  be  the  right 
man  in  the  right  place,  at  the  right  time. 

Our  people  are  proud  of  their  Governor,  proud 
of  his  patriotic  devotion,  his  promptness  to  decide, 
his  swiftness  to  act,  and  his  firmness  to  sustain  the 


388          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

cause  of  right,  the  cause  of  our  country,  and  the 
cause  of  humanity.  Yours,  &c., 

D.  0.  DAILY. 
Col.  WM.  M.  FRENCH. 

LAGRANGE,  Ind.,  Oct.  8,  1868. 

DEAR  SIR: — I  understand  that  you  are  writing  a 
biography  of  Governor  Norton,  and  at  your  sugges 
tion  I  give  you  a  short  digest  of  the  opinion  enter 
tained  and  expressed  by  the  people  of  my  section, 
respecting  his  acts  as  Governor  of  the  State  of  Indi 
ana. 

I  have  had  moderate  political  acquaintanceship 
with  him  since  1854 ;  and  in  my  capacity  as  repre 
sentative  from  this  county  and  assistant  secretary  of 
the  Senate,  my  political  and  personal  knowledge 
has  been  more  immediate  within  the  last  three  years. 

I  never  deal  in  fulsome  eulogy,  neither  have  I 
taken  sufficient  lessons  in  political  hypocrisy  to 
enable  me  to  speak  writh  a  forked  tongue. 

If  my  language  is  fervid  it  is  the  result  of  my  edu 
cation,  my  expressions  the  result  of  careful  obser 
vation. 

I  had  the  honor  of  being  enrolled  amongst  the 
members  of  the  last  house,  I  could  not  say  the  pleas 
ure;  though  Hook  upon  the  session  of  last  winter 
as  the  most  important  one  that  has  transpired  to 
Indiana,  yet  most  religiously  believe,  that  no  minor 
ity  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Indiana 
ever  slept  upon  as  sharp  political  thorns  as  we  did, 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  389 

during  those  sixty  days  of  storm  and  discord ;  on 
more  than  one  occasion  we  bolted,  to  save  the  State 
from  the  horrors  which  the  passage  of  Hanna's 
Military  Bill  would  have  developed.  But  the 
majority,  with  a  seeming  infatuated  devotion  to 
party,  having  purged  themselves  of  Jeffersonian 
and  Jacksonian  democracy,  preserving  only  the 
symbols  and  name  thereof,  guided  by  an  insane,  a 
diseased  ambition,  felt  pride  in  continually  assail 
ing  the  National  and  State  executives,  in  embar 
rassing  their  efforts  to  crush  the  rebellion,  because 
the  President's  proclamation  and  other  acts  of  the 
Administration  did  not  suit  their  views;  in  keeping 
us  degraded  as  legislators  by  calling  "  previous  ques 
tion,  "  and  referring  nearly  all  resolutions  to  their 
committee  on  Interments,  alias  the  committee  on 
Federal  Relations ;  and  in  thwarting  our  efforts  to 
stand  by  the  constituted  authorities,  and  in  trying 
to  unite  the  people  of  Indiana  to  the  same  end. 

Carpers  and  fault  finders  are  found  all  admin 
istrations,  however,  who  through  want  of  observa 
tion  or  bad  motives  are  ready  to  detract  from  the 
just  merits  of  public  servants. 

Men  sometimes  do  not  deserve  credit  for  per 
forming  simply  their  duty. 

But  those  who  with  alacrity,  energy  and  integ 
rity,  seek  to  come  up  fully  to  their  responsibilities, 
whose  eyes  are  ever  open  to  the  interests  committed 
to  their  charge,  and  who  shrink  from  no  toil  or 
effort  in  these  days  of  political  obliquity,  are  deserv- 


390         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

ing  of  commendation  and  grateful  remembrance 
by  the  people  whom  they  serve. 

Such  has  been  the  official  course  of  the  present 
Governor  of  Indiana. 

The  noble  men  who  have  periled  health  and 
life  in  the  perpetuation  of  the  great  principles 
bequeathed  to  us,  who  have  poured  out  blood  as 
water  upon  their  country's  altar,  have  had  no 
warmer  friend,  no  more  ardent  sympathizer,  than 
Oliver  P.  Morton. 

And  yet  the  magnificently  absurd  charge  has 
been  hurled  at  Lincoln  and  Morton,  that  they 
sought  despotic  power,  that  they  trampled  upon  the 
rights  of  the  citizen. 

The  whole  public  history  of  the  men  gives  falsity 
to  the  thought,  and  renders  any  such  surmise  unten 
able  and  preposterous. 

Their  arguments,  speeches,  and  appeals  of  the 
past,  have  placed  them  for  years  in  the  front  rank 
of  those,  who,  in  obedience  to  the  ennobling  prompt 
ings  of  Liberty,  have  sought  to  illustrate  to  the 
world  the  sublime  truths  of  the  immortal  Declara 
tion  of  Independence. 

We  would  as  soon  expect  the  streams  to  turn  in 
their  courses  and  run  backwards,  as  to  find  them 
advocates  of  despotism  of  any  kind. 

And  I  am  prone  to  believe  that  among  the  gal 
axy  of  names  of  civilians  of  the  recent  past,  which 
American  history  will  with  pride  record  as  worthy 
of  honorable  and  -respectful  mention,  will  be  found 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  391 

occupying  a  prominent  position  that  of  Oliver  P. 
Morton,  the  logical,  patriotic  and  energetic  Gover 
nor  of  the  loyal  State  of  Indiana. 

Yours  respectfully, 

FRANCIS  P.  GRIFFITH. 
WM.  M.  FRENCH,  ESQ. 

INDIANAPOLIS,  Oct.  17, 1863. 
DEAR  SIR  : — "We  are  writing  the  last  chapters  of 
the  life  and  public  services  of  Gov.  0.  P.  Morton, 
and  desire  you  to  add  thereto  your  opinion  of  the 
manner  in  *  which  he  has  performed  his  official 
duties,  in  this  critical  period  in  the  history  of  our 
country.  Respectfully  yours, 

W.  M.  FRENCH. 
Gov.  PARIS  C.  DUNNING, 

President  of  the  Indiana  Senate. 

BLOOMINGTON,  Ind.,  Oct.  24, 1863. 

DEAR  SIR: — I  received  your  letter  of  the  17th 
inst.,  asking  me  to  "add  to  the  last  chapters  of  the 
life  and  public  services  of  Governor  O.  P.  Morton 
(now  being  written  by  yourself),  my  opinion  of 
the  manner  in  which  he  has  performed  his  official 
duties,  in  this  critical  period  in  the  history  of  our 
country. " 

In  response  thereto,  I  will  state  a  fact  which  will 
be  readily  admitted  by  men  of  all  political  parties ; 
that  at  no  period  since  the  organization  of  our  Fed- 


392         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

eral  or  State  government,  have  the  official  duties  of 
the  chief  executive  officer  of  a  State  been  so  impor 
taut,  and  complicated  in  their  character,  nor  so  dif 
ficult  to  discharge.  To  perform  them  aright  has 
required  a  clear  and  discriminating  mind,  indomita 
ble  energy,  prompted  and  sustained  by  a  patriotic 
heart.  Governor  Morton  has  displayed  in  the  man 
agement  of  the  military  department  of  his  gubern 
atorial  duties,  a  sagacity,  judgment,  energy  and 
patriotism,  which  prove  him  an  officer  equal  to  the 
crisis  through  which  he  has  had  to  pass.  At  the 
breaking  out  of  this  cruel  and  causeless  rebellion, 
the  Administration  of  the  National  government  was 
unprepared  to  meet  it  successfully ;  the  country  was 
almost  panic-stricken.  Indiana,  with  the  other  loyal 
States  of  the  Union,  was  called  upon  suddenly  to 
lay  aside  her  peaceful  pursuits,  and  enter  upon  her 
glorious  and  brilliant  career  in  putting  down  this 
rebellion. 

During  this  time  Governor  Morton  has  raised, 
organized,  officered,  armed,  equipped,  subsisted  and 
put  into  the  Held  one  hundred  and  nineteen  regi 
ments  of  volunteers  ;  he  has  supplied  large  quanti 
ties  of  munitions  of  war  for  the  benefit  of  the  army ; 
he  has  provided  in  a  humane  manner  for  the  sick 
and  wounded  ;  the  families  of  volunteers  have  been 
made  comparatively  comfortable  ;  he  provided  foi 
the  bringing  home,  and  placing  safely  into  the  hands 
of  the  wives  and  families  of  sick  and  wounded  sol 
diers  from  Indiana,  every  dollar  of  their  pay  with- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  393 

out  charge.  Sanitary  commissions  have  been  organ 
ized  all  over  the  State  for  their  benefit.  The  peo 
ple  have  been  urged  and  entreated  by  speeches,  pro 
clamations  and  advice,  given  in  almost  every  con 
ceivable  form,  to  sustain  the  war  and  provide  for  the 
necessities  and  comfort  of  the  volunteer  soldiery ;  in 
all  of  which  patriotic  and  humane  movements,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  has  been  a  directing  and  active  par 
ticipant,  and  for  which  in  my  humble  and  disinter 
ested  judgment  he  deserves  and  I  hope  will  receive 
the  lasting  and  substantial  gratitude  of  his  country. 
He  has  been,  and  now  is,  emphatically  the  soldier's 
friend. 

In  the  discharge  of  the  ordinary  civil  duties  of 
his  office,  I  have  heard  no  complaint :  I  presume 
they  have  been  faithfully  performed.  What  pecu 
liar  views  (if  any),  Governor  Morton  may  entertain 
in  reference  to  the  management  of  this  war  for  the 
maintenance  of  fhe  Constitution  and  the  integrity 
of  the  Union  of  the  States  under  it,  I  know  not. 
"What  participation  (if  any),  in  arbitrary  military 
arrests  made  in  this  State,  I  know  not,  and  of 
course  do  not  upon  those  points  advance  any  opin 
ion.  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Yours  very  respectfully, 

PARIS  C.  DUNNING. 

W.  M.  FRENCH,  Esq. 


394         LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Governor  Morton's  character  more  minutely  portrayed — Morgan 
raid — Concluding  lines. 

It  is  a  difficult  task  to  write  of  such  a  man  as 
Governor  Morton  while  he  is  still  living,  with  a 
proud  destiny  before  him,  without  provoking  envy. 
Death  always  canonizes  a  great  name,  and  the  seal 
of  the  sepulchre  excludes  from  its  slumbering  ten 
ant  the  breath  of  envy.  Then,  the  eulogist  may 
fling  the  reins  to  fancy,  and  indulge  in  the  utmost 
latitude  of  panegyric,  without  offense;  as  the 
praises  of  the  dead  fret  not  the  living.  But  ours  is 
the  severer  task,  to  speak  of  the  living  man — to 
delineate  the  character  and  figure  of  the  mind  of 
one  whose  likeness  the  loyal  people  of  this  Govern 
ment  wish  to  inscribe  in  enduring  and  faithful  col 
ors  upon  their  archives,  as  one  especially  beloved  by 
the  Union  soldiers  and  their  families,  all  over  the 
land. 

He  is  a  type  of  his  country,  and  seeks  to  mingle 
with  her  existence,  and  ally  himself  with  her  for 
tunes  and  her  fame,  and  thus  transmit  his  name  to 
remote  generations,  as  an  epitome  of  her  genius  and 
her  history,  and  as  a  signal  example  of  the  power 
of  her  institutions,  not  only  for  the  production,  but 


GOVERNOR   OLIVER  P.   MORTON.  395 

for  the  most  perfect  development  of  the  greatest 
talents,  and  the  most  exalted  virtue. 

Almost  at  a  single  bound  lie  has  reached  his 
present  exalted  position,  as  the  fearless  Executive 
of  a  great  and  patriotic  State,  which  so  delights  to 
honor  him  who  has  done  so  much  for  her  honor. 
No  ordinary  man  could  have  done  this,  unaided 
and  alone.  He  was  surrounded  by  no  peculiar  cir 
cumstances,  or  associations  of  influence,  or  of  inter 
est.  We  can  not  say  of  him  that  "circumstances 
made  the  man."  He  made  the  circumstances. 

There  is,  about  Governor  Morton,  an  air  of  prac 
ticed  ease,  a  self-possession,  a  deliberation,  as  utterly 
remote  from  affectation,  or  impudence,  as  it  is 
entirely  free  from  confusion,  or  timidity.  Although 
he  has  not  fairly  reached  the  meridian  of -life,  he 
moves  with  the  tread  of  a  veteran.  There  is  no 
impatience  for  display,  no  ambitious  finery,  no 
straining  affcer  effect,  about  him ;  but  there  is  a 
precision  and  clearness  in  his  statements,  an  acute- 
ness,  a  strength  and  clearness  in  his  arguments, 
whether  oral  or  written,  which  bespeak  a  mind 
of  the  greatest  original  power.  And  in  all  this 
he  seems  to  move  in  his  natural  element,  as  though 
he  had  so  long  and  so  carefully  revolved  in  his  own 
mind  the  theater  of  public  affairs,  as  being  the  true 
stage  for  him,  that  he  stands  there,  albeit  for  the 
first  time,  without  surprise  or  anxiety.  This  makes 
him,  to  all  men  curious  upon  such  subjects,  alto 
gether  worthy  of  study,  and  critical  analysis. 


396          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 

He  is  eminently  practical,  and  stands  utterly 
aloof  from  the  extremes  of  fanaticism — displaying 
the  deepest  knowledge  of  the  natural  foundations 
of  social  prosperity,  and  the  most  cautious  regard 
for  the  existing  institutions  of  government.  Equally 
exempt  from  the  rash  spirit  of  political  empiricism, 
which  would  tear  the  subsisting  frame  of  society  to 
pieces  in  search  of  that  which  is  abstractly  good, 
and  from  that  worse  than  cowardice,  which,  shut 
ting  its  eyes  upon  what  is  absolutely  and  demon- 
strably  evil,  would  deepen  and  extend  it,  for  the 
reason  that  it  is  not  perfectly  curable — that  des 
perate  quackery,  which  would  spread  a  cancer  over 
the  whole  body,  because  it  could  not  be  safely 
extirpated.  And  hence  he  takes  rank  among  our 
wisest,  and  safest,  American  statesmen. 

The  great  characteristic  of  his  mind  is  strength, 
his  predominant  faculty,  reason,  the  aim  of  his  elo 
quence,  to  convince.  His  elocution  is  clear,  nervous 
and  perfectly  ready,  as  all  can  testify  who  have  heard 
him  descant,  from  time  to  time,  on  the  present  cri 
sis  of  our  country,  and  plead  for  our  Government, 
in  the  fullness  of  a  patriot's  soul.  He  deals  not  in 
gaudy  ornament,  or  florid  exhibition;  no  gilded 
shower  of  metaphors  drowns  the  sense  ot  his  dis 
course.  While  he  is  capable  of  fervid  invective, 
vehement  declamation,  and  scathing  sarcasm,  yet, 
strength,  strength,  is  the  pervading  quality,  and  there 
is  argument  even  in  his  bitterest  denunciation  of 
traitors. 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  397 

Although  he  is  the  farthest  possible  removed 
from  the  affectation  of  mystery,  or  any  asserted  and 
offensive  pretension  to  superiority  over  other  men  ; 
and  although  his  manner  is  exempt,  entirely, 
from  the  charge  of  haughtiness,  still,  at  times,  he 
appears  as  though  he  neither  loved  familiarity,  nor 
courted  intimacy.  But  he  is  bland,  courteous,  and 
perfectly  respectful  in  his  intercourse  —  and  still 
there  is  a  distance,  an  undefinable  sort  of  reserve, 
unmixed  with  pride,  but  full  of  dignity,  keeping 
frivolity  aloof,  and  attracting  at  once  your  curiosity 
and  your  interest.  You  recognize  in  him,  at  once, 
a  man  of  the  rarest  executive  ability. 

The  master  expression,  the  natural  language 
which  breathes  from  his  face,  form,  step  and  gesture, 
is  energy,  unfainting,  indomitable,  though  curbed 
and  regulated  energy,  which  will  sustain  him 
through  all  danger,  and  under  all  fortune,  arid  which 
will,  and  must  bear  him  on  to  the  utmost  mark  at 
which  his  ambition  may  aim,  and  to  which  his  tal 
ents  are  adequate.  There  is  nothing  restless,  or 
impatient  about  him.  His  is  disciplined,  deliberate, 
concentrated  energy.  He  has  a  managed  calmness 
of  general  manner,  which  so  often  betokens  a  fiery 
and  excitable  temperament,  but  under  the  most  per 
fect  control — never  was  a  man  more  entirely  mas 
ter  of  himself  than  Gov.  Morton.  His  conversa 
tion  corresponds  with,  and  deepens  the  impression 
which  his  public  services  and  speeches  may  have 
made — showing  that  he  possesses  all  the  quickness 


398       LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES   OF 

nnd  penetration  of  a  man  of  true  genius,  without  a 
spark  of  wildness  or  eccentricity.  His  whole  mind 
is  eminently  healthy.  He  has  the  seriousness 
of  determination,  unmixed  with  gloom  or  melan 
choly — and  a  marble  firmness,  as  well  as  smooth 
ness,  in  his  style,  which  speaks  of  the  hardihood 
and  muscle  of  the  Grecian  masters.  He  belongs  to 
that  class  of  minds,  who,  in  every  country,  and 
under  every  form  of  government,  are  found  the 
unflinching  advocates  of  national  and  regulated 
liberty,  a  liberty  founded  in  principles  fixed  and 
eternal,  and  which  is  only  safe  under  the  shield  and 
cover  of  the  inviolability  of  law.  The  imperial 
maxim  voluntas  principis  habet  vigorem  legis  he  totally 
rejects.  He  loathes  despotism  in  all  its  forms,  and 
wherever  lodged.  He  regards  the  courtier  cringing 
at  the  footstool  of  a  throne,  and  the  demagogue 
lauding  the  absolute  power  of  a  mob,  as  equally 
the  foes  of  freedom,  and  as  the  just  objects  of  the 
execration  of  every  true  patriot.  A  man  of  strong 
convictions,  he  has  always  followed  where  his  prin 
ciples  led  him,  and  for  a  time  battled  on  the  side  of  a 
minority  of  his  countrymen,  but  soon  saw  that 
minority  swell  into  a  victorious  majority,  which 
made  him  the  Governor  of  a  great  State,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  made  our  present  Chief  Magis 
trate,  the  President  of  a  great  nation. 

There  has  been  little  or  no  gradation  in  his  pub 
lic  career.  Coming  to  the  gubernatorial  chair  at  the 
first  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  he  seemed  to  com- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  399 

prehend  at  once,  and  as  if  by  instinct,  the  new 
scene  in  which  he  was  called  to  act,  and  nerved 
himself  for  the  ponderous  duties  devolving  upon 
him — and  was  at  once  recognized  by  his  State,  and 
by  the  nation,  as  a  patriot  statesman,  and  a  gallant 
leader.  The  intrepid  boldness  of  his  character  and 
precocious  strength  of  his  genius,  seem  to  have 
smitten  all  political  parties  with  astonishment. 
And  very  many  of  the  leading  men  of  the  political 
party  to  which  he  was  opposed,  pronounced  him  the 
most  extraordinary  man  of  the  nation. 

The  press  has  teemed  with  his  praise,  the  whole 
country  is  full  of  his  name;  yet  he  wears  his  honors 
with  the  ease  of  a  familiar  dress.  He  proudly 
maintains  his  character  undimmed,  and  his  position 
unshaken,  as  the  fearless  executive  of  the  State,  and 
yet  as  the  champion  of  the  integrity  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  "the  Union  of  all  the  States — clinging 
with  undying  devotion  to  the  maxim  taken  from 
the  hero  of  the  Hermitage,  "The  Union — the  Fed 
eral  Union,  must  and  shall  be  preserved" 

An  incident  will  illustrate  the  strong  impression 
he  has  made,  and  the  influence  he  is  exerting  in 
neighboring  States.  At  the  time  the  rebel  Con 
federates  were  struggling  for  the  possession  of 
Kentucky,  it  will  be  remembered  that  a  quasi  pro 
visional  government  was  established  for  Kentucky, 
making  the  rebel  Johnson  provisional  governor, 
while  Governor  Magoffin  was  the  de  facto  governor 
of  the  State.  Indiana  soldiers  were  swarming  all 


400      LIFE,  SPEECHES,  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

* 

over  the  State  for  its  defense,  and  to  drive  the 
rebels  from  its  borders.  At  this  time  a  controversy 
arose  in  the  streets  of  Frankfort,  as  to  who  was  the 
real  governor  of  Kentucky.  One  party  warmly 
contending  that  Magoffin  was  governor,  and  another 
as  strongly  contending  that  Johnson  was  the  true 
governor.  As  the  controversy  was  waxing  hot, 
and  the  parties  were  almost  ready  to  come  to  blows, 
up  steps  an  honest,  brawny  soldier,  and  says  he, 
"  Hold  on,  gentlemen,  you  are  all  mistaken.  I  will 
settle  this  controversy,  neither  of  your  men  are  gov 
ernor  of  Kentucky,  but  Governor  Morton  of  Indiana 
is  governor  of  Kentucky,  as  his  soldier  boys,  with 
their  blue  coats,  and  Enfield  rifles  will  soon  show 
you. "  The  good-humored  way  in  which  this  was 
said,  set  all  parties  in  a  good  humor,  and  the  crowd 
dispersed  with  three  cheers  for  Governor  Morton, 
and  three  more  for  the  Hoosier  soldier  whose  logic 
had  put  them  all  to  silence. 

But  withal,  Governor  Morton  is  a  man  of  heart,  as 
well  as  a  man  of  intellect.  He  is  not  only  foremost 
in  raising  troops  for  the  field,  and  untiring  in  his 
devotion  to  their  welfare  and  comfort  in  the  field, 
in  camp,  or  in  the  hospital,  but  his  regard  for  the 
soldier  extends  to  the  wife  and  children  left  behind. 
He  gives  himself  no  rest  while  a  soldier's  family  is 
needing  any  of  the  comforts  of  life.  And  the  brave 
troops  of  Indiana,  in  the  perils  of  battle,  or  the 
exposures  of  the  march,  are  made  glad  by  the 
knowledge  that  their  own  Governor  will  see  to  it 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  401 

that  their  loved  ones  at  home  are  provided  with 
every  needed  comfort — and  that  while  they  are 
fighting  the  battles  of  their  country,  their  children 
shall  never  cry  for  bread.  And  hence,  while  all  his 
other  laurels  are  green  upon  his  brow — crowning 
him  patriot  statesman,  soldiers'  hands  weave  a 
richer,  prouder  chaplet  for  his  head,  and  inscribe  it 
"  The  Friend  of  the  Soldier— the  Friend  of  the  Sol 
diers'  Families.  " 

Governor  Morton  asks  no  prouder  honor,  a  no 
more  undying  fame,  whatever  may  await  him  at 
his  country's  hands. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  war  it  does  really  seem 
that  Gov.  Morton  has  accomplished  more  than  any 
one  had  a  right  to  expect.  He  has  not  left  a  task 
unfinished,  a  duty  unperformed,  or  an  official  obli 
gation  unfulfilled,  as  we  are  able  to  prove  by  those 
who  at  one  time  (if  not  now)  leaned  directly 
toward  secession.  Gov.  Morton's  executive  ability 
is  unsurpassed  by  any  officer  of  like  rank  in  the 
Union,  his  "  enemies  themselves  being  judges.  " 
The  New  York  Times  of  Nov.  10, 1863,  thus  speaks 
of  him,  in  contrasting  the  position  of  Indiana  with 
that  of  New  York: 

"  To  what  is  this  vast  difference  attributable  ? 
Certainly  not  to  any-  difference  in  patriotism.  We 
will  not  admit,  for  a  moment,  that  the  masses  of 
the  people  of  New  York  are  inferior  to  those  of 
Indiana,  or  any  other  State,  in  devotion  to  the 

country.     There   is   probably  no  State   which   has 
34 


402          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

derived  such  an  immense  advantage  from  the  Union 
as  the  Empire  State,  and  not  one  which  has  a 
greater  interest  in  its  preservation.  ^N"or  can  the 
difference  be  owing  to  any  difference  in  the  charac 
ter  of  the  population.  That  is  all  in  favor  of  ISTew 
York.  Our  cities  have  a  far  greater  proportion  of 
that  floating  population  from  which  soldiers  can  be 
drawn  with  least  derangement  of  industry ;  and 
also  vastly  more  wealth  available  for  bounties  in 
encouragement  of  enlistments. 

Th  edifference  is  principally  due  to  the  fact  that 
Indiana  has  a  governor  of  pre-eminent  devotion  to 
the  cause,  and  signal  executive  ability,  while  E"ew 
York  has  not.  Gov.  Morton,  from  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  has  made  the  military  efficiency  and 
honor  of  his  State  his  private  business.  Under  the 
first  call  of  the  President  for  seventy-five  thousand 
men,  in  three  days  he  not  only  raised,  armed  and 
equipped  and  clothed  the  six  regiments,  which  was 
the  quota  of  the  State,  but  tendered  twenty  in  addi 
tion.  And  when  these  were  not  accepted  by  the  Gov 
ernment,  he  mustered  most  of  them  into  the  State 
service,  put  them  in  camp,  drilled  them,  until  the 
time  came  when  the  Government  was  glad  to  take 
them.  When  the  Government  had  no  first  class 
arms,  Gov.  Morton  caused  the  State  to  supply  them, 
which  always  secured  the  Indiana  soldiers  the  post 
of  honor  in  the  field.  Besides,  by  constant  per 
sonal  visits  to  the  regiments  in  service,  he  saw 
for  himself  that  every  want  was  supplied.  Perma- 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER    P.   MORTON.  403 

nent  agents  were  established  at  all  the  principal 
points  to  devote  special  attention  to  the  care  of  the 
soldiers,  and  an  agent  was  placed  in  Washington 
whose  special  business  it  was  to  collect  back  pay, 
pensions,  and  other  claims  for  discharged  volunteers 
free  of  charge.  To  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  volun 
teering,  Gov.  Morton  appointed  committees  of  prom 
inent  men  in  every  congressional  district,  county 
and  township,  assigned  the  proper  quota  to  each, 
induced  county  boards  to  make  additional  appro 
priations  for  bounties,  and,  by  personal  visitation, 
whenever  there  was  any  slackness,  excited  the  pop 
ular  heart  to  the  right,  patriotic  pitch.  He  has 
carried  out  this  method  so  energetically  that  those 
parts  of  the  State,  where  copperheadism  very 
largely  prevails,  have  been  all  the  while  kept  square 
to  the  line  of  military  duty. 

The  result  of  this  regular  system  of  stimulating 
enlistments,  and  of  taking  the  best  possible  care  of 
the  soldiers  when  enlisted,  has  been  seen  from  the 
beginning  in  the  signal  promptness  and  efficiency 
which  have  marked  all  the  military  history  of  Indi 
ana  from  the  beginning  of  the  war.  The  quota  of 
that  State,  under  the  first  call  for  75,000,  was  six 
regiments.  "No  less  than  twenty  were  tendered  in 
three  days.  The  National  government  declining  to 
receive  more  than  six,  such  portion  of  the  remain 
der  as  could  be  promptly  equipped  were  mustered 
into  the  State  service,  put  into  camp,  drilled,  and 
were  completely  ready  for  the  field  when  afterwards 


404          LIFE,  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

called  for.  Before  tlie  Secretary  of  War  stopped 
recruiting  last  year,  Indiana  had  put  no  less  than 
sixty -three  regiments  into  the  field.  When  Kirby 
Smith  advanced  on  Cincinnati,  Gov.  Morton  com 
pleted  the  organization  of  twenty-four  regiments, 
mustered,  armed,  equipped  them,  and  sent  them 
into  Kentucky  —  all  within  the  short  space  of  two 
weeks ;  and  fourteen  thousand  of  these  were  sent 
within  the  first  seven  days. 

When  Morgan  invaded  the   State  last   summer, 
though  all  the  National  troops  in  the  State  had  just 
been  sent   off,  in   thirty-six   hours   62,000   militia 
were  offered ;  and  of  these   32,000  were  accepted, 
armed,   equipped,  and  were   dispatched  after  the 
invader.    Indiana  supplied  soldiers  enough  to  escape 
the  first  draft,  and  Governor  Morton  tendered  the 
President  15,000  additional  troops  as  a  bonus.     Fif 
teen  new  regiments  will  be   ready  in   a  fortnight, 
which  will  more  than  meet  the  last  call  of  the  Pres 
ident.     Moreover,  several  of  the  old  regiments  are 
to  be  brought  home  and  recruited  up  to  their  origi 
nal  strength,  while  large  details  are  to  be  sent  to 
other  regiments   in   the   field  which   are    reduced 
below   the   minimum.     While  many  other  States 
have  sent  most  of  their  regiments  into  the  field  at 
a  minimum,  Indiana  has  always  made  it  a  point  to 
fill  her  regiments  to  the  maximum  of  1,048.     Her 
regiments  now  in  the  service  number  119,  and  in 
three  weeks  they  will  number  134.     Such  is  the 


GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON.  405 

record  of  a  State  that  has  had  the  benefit  of  a 
whole-souled,  far-sighted,  firm-handed  Executive. 
Reader,  our  work  is  nearly  finished.  A  few  more 
lines  and  we  conclude.  We  heartily  wish  we  were 
as  near  the  end  of  the  rebellion  as  we  are  to  the 
end  of  our  book,  but  this  wish  seems  to  be  a  hope 
less  one  ;  for  as  we  write  the  concluding  lines  of  the 
last  chapter  of  this  biography  the  rebellion  is  still 
in  progress — human  life  is  being  sacrificed — the 
blood  of  thousands  is  poured  out  as  if  to  satiate  the 
appetite  of  demons,  who  have  inaugurated  the 
ungodly  strife.  Dark  and  lowering  clouds  are  over 
all  the  land — shadows  upon  every  path ;  troubles 
in  every  heart;  mourning  in  almost  every  home  cir 
cle.  "  No  bow  of  promise  yet  appears,  but  borne 
on  the  wings  of  every  breeze,  come  the  groans  of 
the  dying,  while  all  over  the  land  is  heard  the  wail 
of  the  widow  and  the  orphan's  cry."  From  the 
altar  of  every  heart  ascends  a  prayer  to  the  God  of 
battles  to  stay  his  hand,  and  instead  of  desolating 
war,  send  peace ;  but  our  prayers  are  unanswered — 
we  still  remain  in  the  whirlpool  of  destruction,  and 
time  alone,  that  great  leveler  and  arbiter  of  human 
events,  can  determine  when  and  where  we  shall 
land.  In  this  wicked  world  of  ours,  man  proposes, 
but  God  disposes.  In  spite  of  all  our  efforts  to  stay 
the  hand  of  death,  the  battle  rages  furiously,  and 
unceasingly.  A  cessation  of  hostilities  is  only  an 
indication  of  rest,  for  a  day,  that  it  may  be  resumed 
on  the  morrow  with  redoubled  fury  and  violence. 


406      LIFE,  ETC.,  OF  GOVERNOR  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 

A  calm  is  only  an  indication  that  a  cloud  is  gather 
ing  that  may  hurry  us  onward  and  outward,  into 
the  sea  of  irrecoverable  ruin.  In  this  hour  of  peril, 
it  is  comforting  to  see  the  masses  at  work  to  save 
the  ship.  Those  that  are  not  actively  engaged, 
stand  ready  to  aid  when  they  are  called.  Remem 
ber  that  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty. 
Our  public  officials,  to  whom  the  care  and  respon 
sibility  of  this  war  is  committed,  are  active  and  vig 
ilant  :  among  whom  Governor  MORTON  stands  with 
the  foremost  and  most  industrious. 

EDITOR. 
INDIANAPOLIS,  November,  1863. 


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of  Friends,    Lutheran  and   Episcopal  Publishing  Societies 

Carter   &  Bros.,  Nelson  &  Son's,  Henry  Hoyt  A   D   F   ' 

Randolph,  Sheldon  i  Co.,  Chas.  Scribner,  Ivison' 

Phmney   &   Co.,  Gould   &   Lincoln,  Appletons, 

Harpers,  and    Lippincott  &  Co.,  &c.,  &c. 

By  thi,  arrangement  Sabbmh  Schools,  Families  and  Church*,  in  addition  ,„ 
oks  of  then-  denomination,  may  find  snch  others  as  they  wish  for  their  Libra 
ries     Specml  attention  given  to  the   selection  of  Libraries.     Sabbath   School, 
sen  ,ng  money  with  a  list  of  books  now  in  their  Libraries  alphabetically  arraZ, 
and  a  genera!  description  ol  books  desired,  shall  receive  the  full  value  in  the  be  , 

On*!     i>ir^cf    n  f  f  r»n  ^.V- ', ,.  ^  i    11 


of  saTbth'sT"?  v°Turs-  A"  reqiiisiu's  are  kept  for  th 

ot  Sabbath  Schools,      fhe  undersigned  also  have  a  supply  of  Rdi^s  and  Tkm 
kg**  works  from  standard  authors,  ScM  Books,  the  most  popular  and  valuab 
and  a  variety  o,  valuable  articles  usefu.  and  necessary  in  the  school  room    ™  nv 

'  r 


«,/      P;;,  urnse, 

Id  at  PublMers  prices  for  c^k.     Catalogues  of  the  above  Houses  sent  on 

articTetviz  :  "*  "'^  B°°kS>  *"''  '"^  C°"^  'm  ""'  °f  tll<!  Wtar^ 

Bibles,  Testaments,  Prayer  Books,  Hyma  and  Music  Books,  Oer- 
nan  Books  and  Tracts,  Question  Books,  Class,  Librarian  and  Super 
intendents  Books,  Photographic  Albums,  Blank    Books,   Diaries 
Memorandums,  Merit  Cards,  Eegisters,  Writing  Books  and  Paper 
.nvelopes,  Sermon  Paper,  Pens,  Pencils,  Ink,  Crayons  Liquid  Slat 
ing,  Slated  Drawing  Maps,  Slated  Leaves,  Port  Folio  Slates,  Black 
Board  and  Slate  Rubbers,  Charts,  Maps,  Globes,  Apparatus,  &c. 


t"  4X*U  and 

TODD    Jfc    CAR3IICHAEL, 

No.  2  North  P,««.  St.,  opposite  OM  Ft!l9m  IMl,  Indianapolis,  In,/. 


HOME  USE 

CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 
MAIN  LIBRARY 

M^*tt2asss» 


LD21-— A-40m-5,'74 
(R8191D 


General  Library    . 
University  of  California 
Berkeley 


R70.52' 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


